Kanshiram 2nd part

     And for the next twelve hours from 2 a.m. till 2 P.M. they  were  leluctant to announce the result of any more rounds. But there were a lot of people outside the counting booth and inside some polling officers also put pressure. Inside the booth there was  a lathicharge. Government machinery was used to prevent people from protesting. Then finally they were forced to declare the eight round. It took them twelve hours to decide one round! Obviously it gave them enough time to manipulate  the votes  polled  in the remaining boxes. Then in quick succession with an  hour they declared the ninth, tenth, eleventh and  12th round. But in spite  of  all  their  manipulation  when they announced the 12th round I was still leading by three thousand votes. Only two rounds were left for them to make up. So they delayed counting on them. It was only at 5 O’clock that they decided to declare me  elected and give me the letter of authorization.


     This  is the state of affairs and the results on which you  assess  that the BJP is still popular. In  Bulandshahar in about a 100 booths, we were sure of getting 700 votes each which  means about 70,000 votes totally as the backward caste population is in a majority in these areas. In all these booths boxes were packed before seven O’clock (the time when polling is supposed to get  over) and when the people told them to show us the boxes we found that in one sealed box only two votes were put though the 700  people standing outside were told to go away because  voting was over. Then Mayawati who was a candidate asked the  polling officers to let her people vote.  She went and argued with the returning officer.  Instead of listening to her they arrested her under  the national  security act. So that  is  how  the  BJP     functioned. In fact I feel there is a tacit  understanding between the Congress and the BJP, they had an understanding that the BSP or backwards should not win. In my place the Congress vote was to be transferred to the BJP.Since the government itself  is  breaking the law we are planning an agitation on  the     streets. L.K.Advani is sending Dr.J.K.Jain a Rajya Shaba MP to talk to me. However, I have told him that we should meet in the streets.And now they are afraid.  On their own popularity the BJP did not have the strength to win more than two assembly seats.


     Q.14. Why do you feel the BJP popularity had declined so quickly?   


  1. Because they became popular on a frivolous  issue. Mandir is an emotional issue. Emotional issues cannot last long. You cannot live on emotions.


     Q.15. You will concede that the BJP has got   politicallegitimacy though earlier even the word Jansanghi  was  like an abuse?


  1. It will happen again.  The BJP has alienated Sikhs and Muslims. Look at Punjab. And Punjab has already entered the Terai area. Now there the BJP will be on the run as it is in Punjab.


     Q.16. But, why do you think the BJP has gained   Legitimacy ?


  1. Ironically it is V.P.Singh and the Muslims who are responsible for this.


     Q.17. How?


  1. The Muslims were unhappy with the Congress.   V.P.Singh took advantage of this sentiment, won over the Muslims and then tried to split the Congress. He  even managed to convince the Muslims that he could only do so by joining  hands with BJP. As a result the BJP seats jumped from 2 to 88 in Lok Shabha.  Ironically it was the Muslims support that gave them the legitimacy. And by1991 they could stand on their own. Now the Muslims  are  dead against BJP.  Also the BJP no longer has the power without the responsibility and cannot any longer blackmail V.P.Sing who used to depend too much on them. Now that they are standing  on their own and have to be judged by their own     performance they are in deep waters. The court  Judgement has gone against them. Yesterday in Parliament they were concerned over the Varanasi issue.


    Q.18. Don’t they think that the popularity of the Mandir issue was a reflection of the people’s mind to an extent?


  1. Even the popularity was a creation of the RSS.


    Q.19. Do you think that the Congress  too  has  a  communal stance sometimes?


  1. Why sometimes. All the time.


    Q.20. How do you explain the systemic crises in  our  Politics ?


  1. It is a creation of the BSP.


    Q.21.  Can you explain that ?


  1. Our  party cannot become the ruling party but  we have got a block of votes at our disposal which we can cast so as to deny any party a majority. I contested against Rajiv Gandhi in Amethi to sent a message to my people. Congress has lost 71 Parliamentary  seats because of BSP. Whichever side it is  going up we try to pull it down.


   Q.22.  What do you achieve by this?


  1. If the government are weak the weaker sections are strong  and vice versa, so till such time as the weaker  sections  are  able  to rule at least we will prevent others from  becoming stronger.




     “It  is only needy who can do the needful, If only the politicians  and officers of higher castes plan and execute their plans  for  the  downtrodden,  the downtrodden  cannot  grow  and develop”


    Q.1. In what was do you and your party differ from Ram  Vilas Paswan and his Dalit sena?


  1. Paswan in known among his own community people as Thakur  ka Thappa (stamp of higher caste Rajput landlords). When the Thakur’s want Paswan to be elected, they do not allow the Schedule Caste people  to vote, they go and stamp five  or  six lakhs  votes  in  Paswan’s favour. If the Thakur’s do not want     Paswan to be elected then Paswan will end up with 34,000  votes. Thus the Schedule Caste people really do not matter in case of Paswan. Thakur’s put words  into his mouth and he keeps on repeating them like a parrot.


     In case of BSP the things are totally different.  BSP has  been struggling against the oppressors and it does what ever it can.


     Q.2. Every party talks about realsing the dreams  of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and so does your party. So what is  the Difference?


  1. Every party knows that the downtrodden  masses consider Ambedkar as their emanicipator. But  these parties forget that Ambedkar had put his thoughts and beliefs in his book. In one of his books, “What the Congress and Gandhi have done”he has clearly written that whatever he could achieve for the  downtrodden. He could achieve only by launching  relentless struggles and by meeting the challenges of higher caste Hindus on each and every step. Whether it is Congress or any other party, their job was to put hurdles in his way. So when we exposed these things  in our meetings, we give the masses quotes from     Ambedkar’s books and after that they start disowning  Gandhi. Now, no political party is ready to disown Gandhi. And Gandhi and Ambedkar are just not compatible. In their lives they were not compatible  and after their death also they are not compatible.   But the other parties; are all the time trying to     reconcile two contradictory things and so are always  in  a dilemma. On this point BSP is clear headed.


     Q.3. Is this the only reason why all other political  parties are opposed to BSP?


  1. The other reason is that on political party  will like the Scheduled Castes to launch their own movement. In the absence of BSP, these parties have  to compete only among themselves and that battle they can fight with empty slogans.


    Q.4. Are you satisfied with BSP’s performance  uptil Now?


  1. How can we be satisfied?  We have miles to go yet we are happy about the fact that we have been going  up. BSP is Bahujan  Samaj  Party and we know that there is no Bahujan  Samaj yet. So we will be satisfied only when this goal is  realised. The Samaj which is broken into 6,000 fragments(castes), our  job     is to unite them and this is going to take a long time. Building Bahujan  Samaj Party was no problem but building Bahujan Samaj is  the real problem.


    Q.5.  Why is the BSP confined to the North only?


  1. The size and population of the country is so  big that our movement cannot be launched through out the whole nation at a time. Hence the first state;  we choose was UP because it is the largest. Once we are successful in UP. the rest will follow. Success in UP means a say in the Parliament also. UP is the power base.


    Q.6. But the power centre has shifted to the south Now?


  1. Yes, power has shifted from the hands on  North Indian Brahmins to the South Indian Brahmins and for this the North Indian Brahmins are cursing BSP and therby Kanshi Ram. The North Indian Brahmins are worried because the President, Prime Minister, Chief Election Commissioner,Army Chief all from the south.


    Q.7. When all other national parties were scared  of contesting  elections in Punjab, how come a small party like BSP could muster the courage to contest and perform so well ?


  1. Because the truth is on our side, second, in Punjab a large number of Scheduled caste people are in the para military forces, police and the Army and so giving life and taking life is not a big thing for them. So in Punjab we do  not face the  problem  which we face outside Punjab. In Punjab neither the     Congress, nor the Akali nor the BJP can operate in the  villages as freely as we can. During the campaign while the Congress people were having indoor meetings I was addressing public meetings in the villages.


    Q.8. You have alleged that the Congressmen were      killing BSP workers after the elections. Now why  should the Congress do this ?


  1. From the boycott call Congress has benefited  the most in the sense that now they have their Government in Punjab. They wanted the BSP also to get out of the contest. Till now 22 BSP people have been killed. At Noormahal the Congress got our people  killed by Black cats. The survivors are a  witness  to     this. In Ropar and Ludhina they got our people  killed  by militant groups who are playing into the hands of the Government. Even before the elections the Congress wanted to spread panic so that our people got scared and avoided going to vote. BSP people was used to stick posters asking people not to vote.


     Q.9. Would it have been possible for the BSP to  get the same number of votes had the Akalis participated?


  1. Had  it  been a normal election  BSP  would  have emerged as the single largest party and the Akalis as number two. The Congress and the rest would have been in the third or fourth place only. BSP has made a dent into not only Congress but Akali votes  also. More than 50% of the Sikh population consists  of Scheduled Castes and Backwards which is the base of Aklais.


    Q.10.  What is the position of the left parties  in Punjab?


  1. Left parties have been left out in Punjab.  It is only because of low voting that they have managed a few  seats. The left base has become the BSP base now.


     Q.11.  Why this shift?     


  1. People have been hearing hollow leftist slogans for 70 years Now.


     Q.12. Will the Scheduled caste commission under the  chairmanship of Ram Dhan be able to any good for the SCs?


  1. Commissions are a means to cover up your omissions. Ram Dhan is a super stooge. He cannot even get 5,000 votes of  his own tribe people. Ram Dhan is another Ram Vilas Paswan.


     Q.13. What will be the strategy of BSP  inside the  Parliament?


  1. We do not attach much importance to the     Parliament. In a country where votes are purchased  and  sold, stolen and looted the Parliament does not represent the people.


     Q.14.Do you support the resolution passed by some hundred Scheduled Castes MP’s under the leadership of Buta Singh and Ram Vilas Paswan that the next  President  should be a  Scheduled caste?


  1. I do not consider Buta Singh and Paswan as leaders. We can say under the stoogeship of these leaders. The President as it is only a titular head.  If you start apointing the President under the influence of stooges. Then what we will become of the Presidential office is any persons guess.


     Q.15.  Is using Caste to attract people proper?


  1. Caste is the curse for India and the endeavour of BSP is to uproot this.


    Q.16.Have voters attitudes changed over the years?


  1. Yes, now they say, Sub chor hain, Earlier they had some hope in the newcomers at least. So many parties have failed over the years that the people have become totally disillusioned  with them.


    Q.17 How does this affect our democratic process?


  1. The disillusionment with the democratic process is because it is now possible to purchase or steal votes. And the politician responsible for this is Indira Gandhi, who was unsure of winning fair means after 1977. And it is the peoples duty to fight back to  save their democracy. They must identify the     culprits who are destroying the system and punish them, if not through the ballot then by bullets.


    Q.18. Don’t you feel this will further the separatism which has overtaken our country ?


  1. May be. At present we are at a crossroads. If the first method fails, people will certainly resort to the second. By the end of this year I will be able to see which way  people are inclined towards. After all, separatism in a nation, we are weak socially, economically and therefore, politically.


    Q.19.  What  are  you  going to do about it?


  1. My main target is social transformation and economic emancipation, for that we need political clout initially and political power finally.  Dr.Ambedkar had said that political power is the master key which can open every lock. So that is  what I want.









  1. SUNDAY 5-11 JULY 1992


      Sunday:1. Do you agree with the demand that the next president of India should belong to the Scheduled Caste ?


       K.R.(Smiles) I would not mind a Scheduled Caste  as the next President of India. But I am not  interested in demanding that a SC/ST should be the next President. I am interested in commanding  and not demanding. I preparing my people to command and not to demand. Demanding these days means “Daliting”.   Daliting is a more sophisticated name for  begging. I am against begging.


      Today, Daliting has become a profession with many MPs. Those who can demand should also be able to command. The MPs who are demanding an SC/ST President can come together and field their own candidate. All the parties will then dance to their tune. But as I said, Many MPs are Daliting and beggars cannot be     choosers. Those who are Daliting or demanding will  eventually, settle for something else, probably the vice-president’s post.


      Q.2. What step are you taking to ensure that the next President of India is from SC/ST?


  1. Personally, I am not taking any step. However, I am going to tell the MPs that if they are serious, then they should put up a common   candidate  irrespective of party affiliations. Then I will lend my support. But if the SC/ST MPs are devided, then they will have to settle for crumbs. And I am not interested in it.


      The backwards  together constitute about 26%  of  the votes in the electoral college. If they come together, others will rally around. So if there is a consensus, and the candidate is sponsored by the SC/ST Forum, then he can win.

      Q.3. Would you settle for the vice-president’s post?


  1. Why should we settle for the vice-President’s post? If the representatives of the backward classes in the electoral college close ranks, then all the mainstream parties will be at their mercy.


     Q.4. In reality, what scenario do you visualise?


  1. In reality, it is begging that is going  on,  Eventually, those who are begging will settle for crumbs because they are actually looking for adjustments within their own party.


     Q.5. Do you think that a President belonging to  the backward castes would have really helped the country? Did Giani Zail Singh’s Presidentship really help?


  1. The President is a powerless creature. He has to put his stamp at the specified space. I think that  there are plenty of candidates among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who can do that job.    But it gives them some respectability.


     If a Harijan occupies the post of President, stays in the spacious Rashtrapati  Bhavan, then the  backwards will be inspired to strive harder. It will help them to stand on their own.  As far a Giani Zail Singh is concerned, he was from the OBC(Other Backward Caste). His ascendancy to the Presidentship help other from a similar background to become politically  conscious. Otherwise, the OBCs had  only  marginal influence in each and every constituency of India.  No political party was interested in giving them a ticket. As a result, they  were  losing interest in politics. This where the Giani stepped in. He made them aware of their role in Indian politics.


    Q.6. Has the Bahujan Samaj Party any candidate in mind for the post of President or the vice-President?

  1. No, We really do not matter at this stage.  Though  there are many Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in different parties. They are basically   back-benchers or mere camp followers. They really do not matter in any party. We are actually more interested in the Prime Minister’s post! than the     President post!


    Q.7.V.P.Singh and Ram Vilas Paswan are championing the  cause of the backwards. Will you support them?


  1. Everybody knows that V.P.Singh is a Thakur sponsored candidate. The Raja has been elected only because of the Thakur vote. In his constituency, backwards are not allowed  to vote.


       Now, he is raking up the SC/ST issue solely for  his political survival. The Janata Dal is sinking.  So he is trying  to garner backwards support. It is just a political gimmick.


      It is better to resign than sink and die. At  least you will survive and get another chance to  come  back. And, Paswan is a political no entity. Even in Bihar, he is a cipher, Laloo Prasad is the leader in Bihar.


    Q.8. Ram Jethmalini claims that you will support him as the presidential candidate ..


  1. That is Ram Jethmalai’s view, Even V.P.Singh  and the Congress can claim to have enlisted my support. But I have not  decided anything. Many people have met me. Even the PM met me  so that I support a consensus candidate. But it is  unlikely that  we will support the Congress. We may not even vote in the end.


    Q.9. Which  party  is  really interested  in  a  SC/ST  President?


  1. Nobody. All the parties in India are just  using SC/ST/OBC for their  votes.  Once the backwards  come together then, automatically, other political parties will come running to them.


  1. TIMES OF INDIA (06.07.98)


    Q.1. Do you plan to join the Rashtriya Loktantrik  Morcha(RLM)?


  1. We are interested to know the purpose of  this front. As  far  as we are concerned we are trying  to  build a movement and our purpose is social transformation and economic emancipation of the Bahujan Samaj. 


   Q.2.The new front has said that its main purpose is to fight the communal and fascist forces represented  by the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) and its allied organisations.


  1. I feel our purpose is a little different. We are determined not only to fight the communal and fascist forces but also  to  build a new social order with a humanist outlook which will ensure equality  and dignity of  the  people  of India,  especially the downtrodden. For that reason, we did not join the     National Front or the United Front and we will not  join this front.


     Q.3.But will there be some cooperation with the RLM on the communal question?


  1. Anybody fighting the BJP will have our sympathy and whatever cooperation we can extend. But there will be no joint movement. If it is a joint movement, they will stop the moment they have removed  the BJP. That does not serve our purpose, because we would like to go further. Our real enemy is not the  BJP, it is the Brahminical social order. The BJP is a     status quoist force as far as the Brahminical social  order is concerned, and we have not as yet effected change, only begun the process. We are not for social justice, we are for social injustice, because that sharpens the minds of the bahujan samaj and readies them to fight for change.


    Q.4. If the non-BJP forces come together to form  a government, will you support it?


  1. If the non-BJP forces get together to form a government, then we’ll think about extending support either from inside or outside.


    Q.5. Will this mean that you can have an electoral arrangement with other parties?


  1. I’m always looking for opportunity – I being an opportunist man-for change and when the elections come I feel it will be an opportunity for my party to move ahead. In the last elections, I was not fighting to form a government, because we had only reached the quarter finals. This time, we are the fourth largest  party nationally (in terms of  vote  percentage after  the BJP, Congress and the CPM)and so we are in the     semi-finals, in which we’ll meet the CPM, which is  the number three party. We are now fighting for third place.


  1. 6. So there will be no seat adjustments.


  1. There will be no seat adjustment with any  other party. In the coming years, seat adjustment will  be a rare phenomenon for the BSP. In November, assembly elections are to be held in  Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. The BJP is already ruling in Delhi and Rajasthan, so the worst has  already happened  there. In these two, we’ll go it alone, but in  Madhya     Pradesh to avoid BJP rule, we may think of a joint fight. But since the RLM is not there and there is only the Congress which is on a slide down, we may have seat adjustments with it in MP to defeat the BJP.


   Q 7.  How long do you think the BJP-led  government  at the Centre will last ?


  1.   We’ll have to wait to see what Jayalalitha  does. The way this government is running it does not look as though it could have a long life. Most of its time appears to be spent is sorting out internal troubles with its coalition partners.


        But the BJP as a party will not be dislodged  soon because it is still strong in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.


   Q.8.You have formed a government twice with the BJP in UP. Are you sure that you will never have any arrangement  with the party again ?


  1. We’ve never fought any elections jointly with the BJP; we only  had  an arrangement with that  party  after the elections. In the future, even that will not be possible.


       The first time before we formed  a  government,  we  approached the Janata Da and the CPI which were being eaten up by Mulayam Singh Yadav. Then we approached the Congress, and finally the BJP. I was in hospital and Murli Manohar Joshi came and extended support on behalf of his party, the BJP saying that there are 282 MLSs who are opposed to Mulayam Singh Yadav. That time, the BJP gave its support to the BSP in  writing to the Governor.


       The second time, we tried to form a government for six months with the help of various parties;  eventually, only the BJP came forward. So we thought let us show the bahujan  samaj how  much work a BSP government can do in six months and we  did it.


      Q.9. In the recent by-elections, your party did   well winning three assembly seats in U.P., even as the SP fared poorly. Do you think this is because the Muslims voted for you?


  1. We got three seats and 30% of the vote. But  the  Muslim  did not vote for us. The Muslims appear to have a death wish. They know that Mulayam Singh Yadav only has  the  Yadav votes so that their voting for his party will help the BJP win. Why are they against the BSP which can promise them 20% votes? If the Muslims add their 16%, we can cross the 30% magic figure.


      But given this situation, we feel we should field more MBCs(Most Backward Castes) rather than Muslims because they don’t harass the SCs. Of course, the MBCs have Brahminical aspirations which attracts them to the BJP -that is a problem for us.







     Q.1. Your party has done well for itself in the  Elections.


  1. We have not been able to gain much for  ourselves but we have damaged them (the Congress-I).


     Q.2. There was some talk of the Congress-I  trying to reach an understanding with you earlier this year.


  1. There was no understanding. We used to keep meeting before the elections. Even after the elections we have been meeting. But I won’t reveal all this.   Before the elections, Devi lal met me six or seven times, V.P.Singh also met me, so what is so great about Rajiv Gandhi meeting me once?


    Q.3. Why did Devi lal and V.P.Singh meet you ?


  1. They wanted me to stand from Amethi and  fight   their battle. I told them I will fight from Amethi but I have a lot to say about both the Congress-I and the Janata Dal. I told them your help is welcome but you should not feel embarrassed when I say our people are   victims of zulm, zyadti and dadagiri(oppression)


    Q.4. What do you think is the future of this  Government?


  1. This Government is walking a tightrope. It has to balance (puts out his arms sideways) both the BJP and the communists on either side. If they manage to last one year then they will be okay. There is instability, and this is  what  we have worked for.


   Q.5.So you hold the Janata Dal guilty of zulm,  zyadi and dadagiri also?      


  1. The Janata Dal has a big hand in zulm zydti  and dadagiri, In fact, they many well be number one in this  regard. That is why I Call the Congress-I the lesser evil.


   Q.6.You have obviously charged you line here, Earlier you used to call the Congress..


  1. No, We called the Congress the biggest Brahmanical party. But as far as the question of evil is concerned, we think that if the Congress is saapnath (snake) the other is naagnath (cobra), So the Congress is less poisonous. The BJP and the  Janata Dal are more poisonous for us.


   Q.7.  Why do you think so ?


  1. We consider the Congress to be like a snake in the grass. And the Janata Dal and the BJP are like an alert Cobra. Our people can see the Cobra and are careful, they do not go near. If we want to keep them away we only have to remind them where are you going, are you blind? The snake in the grass is more   difficult to detect but its poison is not so     dangerous-that’s why I call it the lesser evil. The  snake’s poison does not kill you but neither does it allow you to live. But  we have identified it and have crushed its head. Right now the Cobra is alert but it has seen that the BSP has crushed the snake’s head.   It is more interested in saving its own head-in  his  inaugural address to the nation V.P.Singh talked of  social transformation and all that. In fact, many people called me up and said that the ideas were very close to mine.


    Q.8.  When you call the Janata Dal a Cobra, are you referring  to Devi lal and the Jats or V.P.Singh and the  Thakurs  or both?


  1. Both together becomes too much, doesn’t it? (Laughs). Devi Lal talks of AJGAR, but the ajgar (python) does not scare us. We have dealt with one snake in the grass but another remains-the Communists.  Their slogans attract the oppressed but for 70 years they have done nothing more that slogan-mongering.   They have retarded the revolution they profess to bring about.


    Q.9.  What do you think of the BJP?


  1. I like the BJP very much. They make it very easy for me to organise my people. It is much more difficult for me to alert my people against the Congress.


    Q.10. What role will you play in the Lok Sabha and the U.P.Vidhan Sabha this time?


  1. We will play the role that we can with three Parliament seats and 14 Assembly seats.


    Q.11.  Will you support the Cobra or the snake in the grass?


  1. We will be alert to both. The snake in the grass is out for the moment. My estimate is that they (the Congress-I) has lost 50 Lok Sabha seats because of the BSP. They say they have lost 70 because of us.  I told them you have a computer, you must be more precise.


   Q.12.  who told you this?


  1. One of their MPs came to meet me. I won’t tell you his name. They say they have lost 146 Assembly seats in UP because of the BSP. I met Sunil Shastri on the flight back from Lucknow-I’ll name him because I don’t really talk to him- and he asked me  what magic have you worked in Gorakhpur, he said I am the  industries minister and I lost to a man who sells slippers(the BSP candidate). I told him we couldn’t find a shoe-seller so we had to make you lose to a     chappal-seller(laughs).


   Q.13. Do you identify the Janata dal with  castiest Forces?


  1. Yes, it is a casteist as the Congress. We  don’t see much difference. But there are more feudal elements in the Janata Dal and they are more rustic, more crude. This is what we think.


    Q.14.  How do you feel about gaining a lot for your party but not being able to enter the Lok Sabha yourself?


  1. No, it was not necessary for me to be  elected,  When  Rajiv Gandhi talked to me (to persuade me to withdraw from Amethi), he said it is necessary for both of us to be elected then why are you opposing me. I told him that I agree you have to be elected otherwise you will be worth nothing, but it is not necessary for me to be elected. I told him I do not  want you defeated, because I want that you (Rajiv) should win and the Raja  should  also win, so that you can remain busy fighting each other and I can move forward. I only want to defeat your (Rajiv’s) party.


   Q.15.  What are your plans now ?


   A.Our old plans have themselves not been fulfilled, so we will go ahead with those-social transformation and economic emancipation. We have not actually begun work on these lines, we have just done the ground work.


   Q.16. What  do you think is the  future  of  this Government?


  1. This government is walking a tightrope. It has to balance (puts out his arms sideways). When it tilts to one side the BJP props it up. On the other side the Communists prop it up. When one of these gets angry and does not prop it up it will  fall. If they manage to last one year then they will be okay. In January  the building of the temple is coming up in Ayodhya. Let us see. There is instability, and this is what we have worked for.





   Q.1. Whom do you attribute your recent victory in the  UP elections?


  1. It is the challenge that we posed to the dadagiri(hooliganism)of BJP and the destructive nature of their government. We realised that this must be met with, and it came to my mind that we (BSP) alone may not be able to pose the challenge effectively. So I decided to take Mulayam Singh Yadav along.


   Q.2.  Were you confident of the victory?


  1. Yes, from day one. I called a press conference on December 14,1992 and declared that we will be forming the  next government in U.P. We had four major targets before us. To remove BJP from power. Install Mulayam Singh as the Chief Minister of UP. Tell the BJP that they were no longer the claimants to the Delhi throne. Shatter the myth that they can  come  to power by virtue of being the largest opposition party in Parliament. And lastly, sideline the promoters and allies of BJP who were unnecessarily occupying the center stage.


     Q.3.  Why did you choose to side with Mulayam Singh?


  1. Because Mulayam Singh was opposing the BJP even as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. Whereas, V.P.Singh was running the Central Government with their help. There were a lot of contradictions, different people were pulling in different directions.   V.P.Singh, Laloo Prasad Yadav and some others  were     pulling in the direction of BJP while Mulayam Singh was opposing it.


    Q4.  In and interview with Debonair the Naib Imam called you an agent of BJP, a crook, who’s maligning M.S.Yadav to help the BJP?


  1. Which Imam?


    Q5. The Naib Imam of Jama Masjid. He had said  that Mulayam will win if he joins hands with the Janata Dal, but he is under the evil influence of Kanshi Ram, who is helping the  BJP. Also, that  you are taking money both from the Congress and  the BJP?


  1. But this election has proved that it was  because of me that Mulayam Singh became the CM. The BJp swept in Western UP  with  the  help  of  not the Naib Imam  but  the  Full  Imam! (Smirks). The full imam (Sayeed Abdullah Bukhari) has always been in collaboration the BJP, V.P.Singh, Ajit Singh. Since 1988 they have all been hand in glove with the BJP.   Before this recent elections these Imamas visited every mosque both in Western and Eastern UP. However, they succeeded in defeating Mulayam Singh only in Western UP despite the fact that he drew a crowd of more than one lakh in Saharanpur during the campaigning, but his candidates polled only 4,000 votes.


   Q.6.  Why is this so?


  1. Because the Imams misled their people.


   Q.7. Only in Western UP?


  1. Only in the Imam’s area of influence. Previously his  area of influence was larger but now it has been reduced to Western UP. And now after the elections he is finished. He has been exposed as an agent of BJP.


    Q.8. Do you think his influence over the Muslims  is  on the decline?


  1. Well, most of the Muslims who are coming here are telling us: ‘we are regretting. WE had been misled by the Imam. ‘But the good thing is that this was his last opportunity to mislead.


    Q.9. Where do you think the Muslim vote bank will go  in the next elections?


  1. They will vote for different parties.  Mulayam Singh was defeated in the last elections because of the betrayal of the Muslims. But this time when he came with me the Muslims realized that whatever Kanshi Ram was saying made sense. They thought that even if he gets 50% of the Muslim votes in addition to  Kanshi  Ram’s  SC/ST  vote  bank, it  will  be a winning combination.


    Q.10 How long do you think will this BSP-SP government survive?


  1. Initially, we were thinking of calling for early elections, so that we could return with a clear majority. But since the Congress, Janata Dal and the two Communist parties have all extended unconditional support we thought we should run the government, as we have the majority


    Q.11. Do you also contemplate splitting these parties and bringing their MLAs into your fold?


  1. I am not contemplating any such move, though I can not vouch for Mulayam Singh Yadav.


     Q.12. According to media reports there is a  section  of  MLAs from the Congress and the Janata Dal who are willing to join the BSP-SP government?


  1. Then they will have to join the Sp as I build the BSP from the grassroots. But I can also consider if it is desirable.


     Q.13. BJP fought the elections on religious lines and you played the caste card. Is there any difference between the two?


  1. The BJP is a casteist party and thrives on communalism. From 6th December I have launched an  all  India movement against casteism, preparing ourselves   for the annihilation of the castes. The movement will last for 100 days. There are five casteist parties in India-number one is Congress number two BJP, number three Janata Dal, number four CPI and number five CPI(M) for they are the products of the Brahminical  social order. I have even coined a new slogan to counter them-jo party Brahmanvadi hain woh party jativadi hain. (Whichever party supports Brahminism is a casteist party)


    Q.14. That means which ever party has Brahmins?


  1. Not Brahmins.  Our aim is to transform the social order. From vertical to horizontal. The social order is like this (holding a pen vertically,and then, turning it horizontal) We want it like this.  All the parties which are interested is status quo are Brahminical.


     Q.15. In other words, when you talk of  annihilation of the caste system,you mean annihilation of Brahmins. Isn’t it?


  1. No. There are no castes among the  Brahmins.  Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas are varnas, not castes. But down below, the Shudras as and the Atishudras are divided into castes numbering around 6,000.


    Q.16. That’s more or less a technical difference, but the issue of elimination is the Brahminical order?


  1. Not elimination, we need transformation.   From vertical to horizontal. In this changed order let the Brahmin remain, let the chamaar remain, but no one is to be on top of the other. Thus,adversely affecting none.


    Q.17. How many Brahmins from BSP-SP combine  have emerged victorious in this election?


  1. As far as our party is concerned there are  no  Brahmins, Kshatriyas or Vaishyas.


    Q.18. And in the Samajwadi Party? How many did  Win?


  1. About 70 candidates contested. I am unaware how many won.


    Q.19. The  point  is that not  a  single  Brahmin   legislator of the BSP-SP combine has been made a minister. Two, who have been made ministers hail from the Upper House.


  1. In the original list of his new cabinet  which Mulayam Singh had sown to me, there were no Brahmins. In  his last  Ministry, nine  out  of  his  14 cabinet ministers were Brahmins. So, I told him:  ‘Keep at least two or one, or  else people will blame me for this, because you have become the Chief Minister  with my help. You must keep one Brahmin, one Kshatriya and one  Vaishya. He had some  problems of  adjustment of ministries  allocated to BSP-SP, so I authorised him to  increase  the size of cabinet.


    Q.20. There are allegations that you have not  given Mulayam Singh a free hand to choose his  bureaucrats? Every appointee  is either your man or is appointed with your approval. Is this true?


  1. I have given him a free hand in running the     affairs of Uttar Pradesh  including  the  appointment  of top officers. My job was to make him the CM. Beyond that it is now his prerogative.


     Q.21. Yes, but, like you said, you authorized  him to appoint additional ministers. The real power vests in  you,  isn’t it?


     A.(With a winning smile)That was merely to adjust the  Brahmins.


     Q.22. But why is it that Mulayam Singh is appointing  all  the  backward  caste people and all those who are close to Kanshi Ram in key positions in the bureaucracy?


  1. He  is seasoned politician. He had been  in  the Opposition. He has been the Chief Minister. He knows people in the bureaucracy. He knows which man is capable of doing what kind of job. And he makes his appointments according to that.


    Q.23. But how is it that he says he does not do anything without the approval or the nod of Kanshi Ram?


  1. That is his goodness!(Laughing)


    Q.24. But goodness is one thing and control is quite  another.  There have been media reports that you are an autocrat,   a sort of Indian Stalin?


  1. (Laughing) You want to finish me? An Indian  Stalin? (Laughs again). Well, I was autocratic in making him the CM.


    Q.25. And after that you have become a democrat?


  1. After that I am not concerned with Uttar Pradesh. I am not a party to what happens there.


    Q.26. But what will be the consequence if he does  things which are not in consonance with your wishes?  Will you withdraw the support?


  1. I don’t think he will do that. So far he has not done so. He has now more responsibilities and  is  likely to behave in a responsible manner.


   Q.27. But by insisting that he has at least one  minister each from the three upper castes in his  cabinet, are you not trying to do a balancing act, so the upper castes are not totally arraigned against you? 


  1. Actually when we are well established, we  will keep 15% posts reserved for the upper castes.


   Q.28. You mean a quota of 15% for Brahmins, and  27% for yourselves?  


  1. Not forus. For the Other Backward Communities (OBC). I am not satisfied with 27%. We have launched bhagedari andolan, the movement for sharing of power.  Jiska Jitnee sankhya bhaari, uskee utnee bhagedari (Share in power should be equal to one’s numerical  strength). Since the OBC are 52% of the  population, we demand our share of reservation.


   Q.29. But why reservation? Why not on the basis of   merit?     


  1. That’s what I too say. Iam against reservations. I am preparing my people so they do not ask for reservations, but grant them.


   Q.30. Which means that when you are ruled by  these  Brahminical parties you want a 52 per cent reservation, but when you  assume power you will allow 15 per cent reservations for the  Brahmins. So how can you say you are against reservations?


  1. Reservations should be for the handicapped  for they are like crutches. I don’t like crutches. We will see to it that we create a system where nobody needs crutches.


   Q.31. But given the social economic and educational   realities of today, unfortunately, the lower castes  are  less equipped, if not less intelligent, to handle the complicated work of governance and administration.  Don’t you think so?


  1. See,  things  have  to  be  done  gradually,  not  immediately.


   Q.32.  How long will it take?   


  1. It will take a long time…may be five or may be six years.


   Q.33. Which means that it will become possible  once you  come to power. Are you thinking in terms of removal of the control of the Brahminical parties   from Delhi and the establishing of BSP control there? 


  1. Real power lies in Delhi. We are basing our   program on that.


   Q.34. Now that you have assumed power in UP, how  do you propose to solve the Ayodhya problem?  


  1. It is solved with our coming to power.


   Q.35. What if the BJP resume its agitation, will the new government open fire, as they did in 1990?


  1. They dare not do so again, they know Kanshi  Ram. So, there is no question of firing, etc.


   Q.36. What exactly do they know about  Kanshi  Ram?  Please define yourself?


  1. They know that Kanshi Ram  will not tolerate  dadagiri.


   Q.37. But,as you said, Kanshi Ram is not running UP. It is Mulayam Singh Who is?


  1. I am not there but my people are. Suppose     (drawing an imaginary map of UP on the table) here is  Ayodhya, where the BJP has one MLA. But of the 10 seats surrounding it, seven are from BSP, two are from SP and one from another party. All around Ayodhya it is Kanshi Ram who matters.


   Q.38. You mean it is your numerical  strength  that  counts?    


  1. Yes, The BJP has been telling us they have  the people’s mandate. But I appealed to the people to deny them the mandate this time. Now the mandate is with us.


    Q.39. Let’s go back to your opposition to V.P.Singh. It is he  who claims to have started the  struggle of the backwards-for  social justice, and his party claims that Mulayam Singh and Kanshi Ram have hijacked their programme, there forum?


  1. I am against social justice, for it stands  for status quo. It consumes the anger which needed  for social transformation. I am for social transformation. I am a democrat. I do everything with the cooperation of the masses. From where do I get the masses if there is social justice? But if there is  social injustice, I get them. If there are   atrocities..if the people are not able to enjoy their rights.


     Q.40.  ….It helps you?


  1. I should not say it helps me…During incidents of  social atrocities people awaken  to  the  need of social transformation. If there is social justice, they feel somewhat satisfied. I need dissatisfied people.


    Q.41. In terms of perpetrating social injustice, who do you think is the bigger culprit-Congress or BJP?


  1. It is basically the Brahminical social  order. Congress is the ‘A’ team of that order, and BJP the ‘B’ team.


    Q.42.  Are you the Prime-Minister-in-Waiting ?


  1. I have never aspired for any chair. I aspire only for  social  transformation. And for that I want to prepare the masses, then I want to reach Delhi.


    Q.43. Suppose you happen to reach Delhi, then  who      will be the Prime Minister?


  1. In India the system is such that MPs are elected by the people. I want to create the atmosphere so that my candidates are elected. The MP’s will elect the PM.


    Q.44. If the MP’s decide that you be their leader in Parliament will you accept the responsibilities?


  1. If the people decide that I’m the best person  to take charge, I will become the Prime Minister.


    Q.45.  How long do you think this will take?


  1. It will take too long…about…more than  two years.


    Q.46. So can we hope to see Kanshi Ram as the  Prime    Ministerial candidate in the next elections?


  1. That can’t be said. But you can hope that  the Bahujan Samaj will be in power.


    Q.47. This brings us to the question of your party’s strength in other  States. And your yardstick to  measure the same?


  1. See, to rule from Delhi we have to be strong in a minimum  of seven States. If you look at the map of India, UP is the most important  State, returning  85MP’s. Then Bihar,Maharashtra, Bengal, Andhra…Tamil Nadu, Karnataka.


   Q.48. How strong are you now in the other States  in numerical terms of controlling Lok Sabha seats.  Say in a State like Bihar?


  1. I have no right to predict. Now that elections are due in 10 to 11 seats in the coming months, the results will decide.


   Q.49. In Bihar, a major section of the dalits or the barijans are in the fold of the various  Communist/Naxalite groups. What do you propose to do to counter their influence?


  1. They  are preparing the ground for us. For  they  keep  on  whetting the appetite of the people, but are unable  to deliver the goods. I shall go and tell the people: ‘Stand on your feet, stand for your own party, and that’s how you shall win’.


  Q.50. Well, let’s  dwell upon something  from  your past. There have been reports which say that you are actually a Brahmin. That your full name is Kanshi Ram Sharma. That you married a non-brahmin girl, and later you turned into a messiah of the lower castes. Is this true?


  1. First of all, I am not married (guffaws).. Secondly, I am  not  born a Brahmin.  My  name  of  Kanshi Ram Ramdasee, and I belong to a very large community, the Ramdasias, from Ropar district of  Punjab. My caste is listed in the Schedule. When  people investigate this they find  it to be rubbish.


  Q.51. You said you are struggling against  influence of money, mafia and media?


  1. No, we are not struggling against media. I  said we are up against it.


  Q.52.  How do you plan to fight against the media?


  1. By hitting out at its credibility. As and when the media writes about us.


  Q.53. Do you plan an alternate media or of starting another newspaper?


  1. I have got my own media. I run six or seven magazines in various Indian languages. I use them to counter you misinformation.


   Q.54.  Are they mass-circulation papers?


  1. No, they have a low circulations and are  meant only for our activists, to train them and keep  them  well-informed.


   Q.55. How do you operate all over India? How many offices do you have?


  1. We have 3,400 offices all over India. That costs us anything between Rs.80 lakhs and Rs.One crore every month to run them.


   Q.56.  Where does that amount come from?


  1. We have various groups of activists. We have  a Beggars Army. Mera apna sikka chalta hai. (I have  my own currency) I have paper slips with my signature and seal on them. Each of them have a certain denomination written on it. People from Beggar’s Army collect funds from our wealthy supporters. And to become a member one must be a graduate earning a minimum of Rs.4,000 monthly. All my operations and  the offices are self-supporting.


   Q.57. Do you accept money from the industrialist for fighting elections.


  1. So far they have not given us anything  because they thought we are not a force.


   Q.58. Now that you are in power in UP they  might  make offers to you too.  Will you accept?


  1. Yes, provided they give it without conditions. For  that matter, I even accept people’s votes without condition. I promise them nothing.


   Q.59.  When you are thinking of coming of power  in  Delhi in two, three or five years’ time, are you  basing your calculation on the 52% votes of OBC-SC-ST plus the Muslims?


  1. I start from below. The SC/ST comes first  and then I go upwards. They are not 52%. They are 85%  of the population. But it is not a question of reservations. We want bhagedari, our share. How has it been possible for three or four per cent of our population, the Brahmins, to enjoy 52% share of     power?  Obviously, by becoming the rulers. That is why I tell my men, you ought to become your own rulers.


   Q.60. Will your electoral arithmetic for coming  to  power in Delhi be the same as in the case of UP this time?


  1. Yes.  They will be on the same lines.


   Q.61. After this election and your success, both   BJP and Congress are realising that they too should now woo the backwards. Can they trump you?


  1. It all depends upon their sincerity.


   Q.62. But you yourself seem to suggest that  these   parties are insincere. How can you now expect them to  become sincere?


  1. That’s why they will fail. Why did  V.P.Singh     fail? Because of the lack of sincerity. The communists  have failed  due to insincerity. For the last 70 years they have been saying  Inqilaab  Zindabad (Long live revolution), but they have put back Inqilab (revolution).


   Q.63.Talking about your opposition to money, media  and  mafia, what do you have to say about Mulayam Singh, who is supposed to be another face of the mafia?


  1. (Laughing) I don’t think so! Recently a  person     came  to  me  after the results asking me to put in a  word  with Mulayam  Singh  so that he could become a minister. I spoke to Mulayam Singh and he said he would make this man a minister, if I wanted. But the  man had a criminal background. I reminded Mulayam  that in his previous tenure this man was in his cabinet. But Mulayam said that during that tenure he  also had nine Brahmins out of 14 as cabinet Ministers.  He said,’I have not joined hands with you to repeat the mistakes of my last tenure’.


  Q.64.  You  are supposed to have said  that ‘I  am running a party of idiots’. Is that true?


  1. (Laughs  aloud) I did not say that. What I  said was that I am organising the idiots of India.  Because they have  been  idiots. Anyone can exploit them. I am trying to change them. I tell them, ‘don’t behave like idiots, become good human  beings’.


  Q.65. You have also said that you contest elections  to make money?


  1. It is like this. Whenever I contest elections  I find that in the end I have saved a lot of money.   When I contest an election I never touch  money. I  appoint a Khajanchee (treasurer) in the constituency.  And after elections my accounts are closed within 24 hours.


  Q.66. How much money did Arjun Singh pay  you  to  withdraw your candidate from Bhojpur?


  1. No. I do not charge for such things.


  Q.67.  Was it out of friendship?


  1. Yes. See, he requested me to help him  by  not     fielding a candidate.  In fact Arjun Singh himself has been the hardest hit by the BSP.  Two of my candidates have won from  his own Lok Sabha constituency.


  Q.68. So, that was the deal, was it?


  1. No, it was not a deal. It suits me to do favours to various people. When Narasimha Rao asked me for help, I told him. Tell me what do you want? I am there. At the same time. I helped Arjun Singh too.


  Q.69. Are you more close to Arjun Singh or to the PM?


  1. I am close to myself.


  Q.70. But who  are  you siding with  in  the  power struggle in the Congress?


  1. I am really unhappy as there is not much  power  struggle. I wished there would be more struggle, but somehow I have not succeeded. But, otherwise, I am equally close to  both  of them.


  Q.71. Why do you help all these leaders of the   Brahminical parties?


  1. I help them to quarrel between themselves. It is so simple, why should you grumble if they quarrel ?  It helps me.


   Q.72.  Are you also close to some BJP leaders?


  1. Yes.  Why not.


  Q.73. There too your modus operandi is the same, is  It?


  1. No, it is different for different  people. The     Congress  say  that  the BJP is down but not out, and  they are interested to see them out. And I am interested in seeing them in. I will not allow BJP to be out. I have to balance the two.


  1. INDIA TODAY, 31 DEC,93


   Q.1. Despite so many years in politics you  still   remain an enigma. Some call you a Brahmin. Others believe you are a former IAS officer while some are convinced that you are a Christian.


  1. All this is a media manipulation. As many as 110 cover stories on me have appeared so far and you are still asking me  this  question. I am fed up of this question and will not answer it. If you want, you can refer to the old records or ask my workers outside.


   Q.2 Why do you think the media should be against you?


  1. Because  the  media is a creation of  money.   In fact, the biggest hurdles for the BSP and downtrodden have  been money, the  mafia and the media. We lost 40 seats  in  Uttar Pradesh because of the media. Despite my denials, newspaper such as  Dainik Jagran kept saying that we did not want Muslim  votes. In  India  50% of the media is pro-BJP. 35% is   pro-Congress(I) and the rest support the other Brahminical parties like the Janata Dal, the CPI and the CPI(M).


   Q.3. You keep attacking these parties but at the same time the SP-BSP Government in UP is surviving purely on the strength of their support?


  1. We have sought only an unconditional support.   I had told both Prime Minister Rao and Janata Dal Chief Bommai that in the first option I would like them to support the  BJP. If they do not want this, they could either support us or go in for fresh  elections  all over again.  After all, we had  passed  the “examination” with a poor third class. How  could  we demand support? But I made it clear to them that if they decided to support us there would be no riders.


   Q.4.  But How ling will such a fragile  arrangement  Last?


  1. It is for them to decide. It is the compulsion of realpolitic that has forced them to support us. I have already warned Mulayam that we have so far the support of the leaders only and not their MLAs. So let him seek a vote of  confidence much before January 15, may be by December 15 itself. We have absolutely no problems is the elections are held again and I have made it clear to Mulayam also that if he is with me then he has to stop worrying about the chair. Our aim is to provide insaaf (Justice) to everyone and not occupy the chair.


   Q.5. There is lot of speculation that you might desert Mulayam yourself.


  1. I have not joined hands to desert him. There was an urgency to defeat the BJP in Uttar Pradesh and we have done this. There is a perfect under-standing between us and the this alliance can extend too three states as well. But I would give it about six months time before we actually Do it.


   Q.6. What kind of role do you envisage for yourself?  Are you the monitor or the King-maker?


  1. I  am  neither. I am just a helper to Mulayam  because after all he is the Chief Minister. I have told him that he is the one who has to deliver. I can only help him.


   Q.7. But do you think that you could prove to be the  biggest stumbling block in a possible reunion of Mulayam and  the rest of the Janata Dal leaders?


  1. No. If they decide to join Mulayam I have no  objections.


   Q.8. But you’ve very strong feelings against most of these leaders whom you call “Brahminical force”?


  1. This is no doubt about that because people  like V.P.Singh, Ajit Singh have along with Maulana Bukhari have helped the BJP to ensure the BSP’s defeat in Western Uttar Pradesh. They have been in league with the BJP for a long time now.  Murli Manohar Joshi was Singh’s chief electoral agent in Allahabad when I  contested against him in 1988. He along with the BMAC and the MLuslim League have proved to be the biggest supporters of the  BJP.


   Q.9.  Before your alliance with Mulayam.  You  were considered a Congress(I) Stooge?


  1. That again is a media manipulation. How can somebody who has masterminded the Congress(I)’s decline from 350 seats in 1989 to just 28 seats in 1993 in Uttar Pradesh be called a Congress(I) agent?  And when I say that the Congress(I) is the “A” team  of the Brahminical order followed by the BJP which  is  “B” team, the Janata Dal being the “C” team, the CPI(M) the  “D” team  and the CPI the “E” team will any of them like to have  any connections with me ?


  Q.10. But how do you gain by calling all of them   Names?


  1. My strategy is simple. I do not want a stable  government. If the government whether at the Centre or  in a State is  stable,  the  BSP is weak and  if  the  Government is unstable, the BSP emerges stronger. We have ensured a hung assembly to make the BSP stronger.  Like Rao says that the BJP is down  and not out which means he wants the BJP out. But I do not want it.   They should  remain down and  not  out  for  topical     reasons. If  the  BJP is out, the Congress(I)  emerges  as the winner. Similarly the BJP wanted the Congress(I) ousted from Uttar Pradesh. I did not want it so. I asked  my  people  to attend  the Congress(I) rallies to bolster the party’s moral. I also  told  my  supporters not to make any attacks against the     Congress(I). My theory was that if the Congress(I)  gets more seats than the Janata Dal. The BJP will lose automatically and there by pave the way for the SP-BSP combine.


      In  the  other  case, is the Janata Dal had  got  more seats than the Congress(I). We would have lost to the BJP. That is  why V.P.Singh and Ajit Singh were being supported by the BJP and I decided to favour the COngress(I). It was like two matches being played  simultaneously one a final between the SP-BSP  and the  BJP and the other a semi-final between the Congress(I)  and the Janata Dal. I want that they-the Congress(I) and the BJP and all the other Brahminical parties- should keep fighting and destroying  each other. For the time being they can all combine to  give an  unstable government which suits the BJP because langari ghori ko tangari maarnaa aasaan hotaa hai (it is easy to  make a lane pony trip)


    Q.11. But  what is the  strategy  behind  blaming everything on the Brahminical order?


  1. That is not a strategy. It is mission of my life. The  Brahminical social order is like this dot pen (he holds up  his  ballpoint) held vertically with the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas  dominating  the  top. The rest is  dominated  by  the Shudras, the Ati-Shudras (lowest castes) and the Bahujan  Samaj. And  see the manipulation of the Brahminical order. The  Shuders and the Ati-Shuders are further divided into 6,000 castes. It is time this pen is held horizontally.


    Q.12.  But how will this happen?


  1. It is quit simple. When this majority of Shudras and Ati-Shudras collectively launches this crusade, the rest of the people have to do one simple thing-drop their tails (their  surnames). Kanshi Ram has dropped his tail and his eyes are set on the  tails of others. A singh or a prasad or a Ram does  not tell you anything about person’s caste. Like you   were questioning me about my caste and you still keep making all kinds of guesses. But on the other hand, a Joshi, Advani, Vajpayee or Singhal all carry tails of their castes.


   Q.13. Does Mulayam Singh Yadav too have a tail?


  1. He is changing after he came in touch with me.


   Q.14. But  in what for these  tails  bother   your electorate?


  1. They are the ones who have suffered because  of     these tails. I realised this way back in 1965 when I was working as a Scientist in the Explosive Section at the Defence  Research Laboratory in Pune. I had read Dr.Ambedkar’s book  Annihilation of castes. I decided to take over Dr.Ambedkar’s unfinished mission. After  108 years of struggle the Shudras and the Ati-Shudras  have come out of the dark age to this Chamcha  age.     The Bahujan Samaj is dependent on others. They work  and spin money for others. I want a social transformation  now. These chamaars buy  shoes  worth  Rs.100 crore  per  year  which  they themselves make.  But the Banias eat the profits. I want them to be independent.


   Q.15. Is this how you have made  political  inroads  amongst them?


  1. I have been able to do it because I do not  offer any promises. I do not tell them that I will get them job or make them richer. I just tell them that I can ensure one little thing for the Chamaars-and that is make them the rulers of this country. I tell them to have faith in me and that is all I say.


   Q.16. But Don’t you think that you will make the  upper castes panicky?


  1. Their guilt makes them panicky more than anything else.They should accept the horizontal social order before it is too late.


   Q.17.Where do you get your money from? It is  often rumoured that you are funded by influential  businessmen such as Jayant Malhotra?


  1. There is no need for this because I have  planned for all this much in advance. I have organised  three in-buli generators to take care of everything.  The first one is a think tank, the second one a group of talented people and the third a fundraising squad.  I can raise crores of rupees whenever I want. In the  villages it is not Jai Shri Ram any more. Now you can     just say Jai Kanshi Ram and get as much money as you want. In the coming days. If you want to give me money, you will have to  stand  in  a three mile long queue. Beside, the Bahujan Samaj, regardless of its poverty, eats food worth Rs.300 Crore per day, if  they keep hungry for just one day. We save that much  money. Money is not our problem any more.


  1. INDIA TODAY JUNE 30, 1995


   Q.1.When did your relations with Mulayam Singh Yadav  reach a turning point?


  1. The Panchyat elections were the turning point. There was rigging, booth-capturing, intimidation, even the BSP was not spared.


   Q.2.Haven’t you joined up with a communal party now?


  1. The BJP is BJP, the BSP is BSP. The BJP’s views  are very well known. I don’t call it a communal party.


   Q.3 Hasn’t the BSP now allied itself with Manuvadi   Forces?


  1. There is no alliance. We have only joined hands as co-sufferers of Mulayam Singh Yadav.


   Q.4. Is it very temporary?


  1. It is a very temporary liaison. We were interested only in over-throwing a chief minister who was using criminals to throttle the democratic process and was destroying every party.


   Q.5.  What does the BJP want from you ?


  1. They do not want anything from me. On their  own efforts, they want to capture the Delhi throne.


   Q.6.  Will you campaign for the BJP in 1996?


  1.   No, absolutely not. The BSP stands  for  social     transformation. While the BJP is a Brahminical  party.   We’ve come together for a short time to fight criminals.


   Q.7.  Do you still consider Gandhi a Manuvadi?


  1. He  was a Manuvadi. He forced the Poona Pact  on Dr.Ambedkar. Who was fighting for the cause of the  oppressed. Why do you need me to repeat this again and again?


   Q.8. Because BJP leaders claim that one of the conditions for supporting the BSP Government is that  you  will stop calling Gandhi names.


  1. It is absolutely unconditional support. I am not interested in government. I am interested in a movement. I live and die for the movement.


   Q.9. How will your coming to power in Uttar Pradesh help the movement?


  1. Uttar Pradesh is the cradle of Brahminism. It is the land of Ganga and Jamuna, it is the land of Manu. It is the land of Munis and Rishis. So it is most important area of the enemy. So we thought we should acquire strength and catch the enemy by the neck.


   Q.10.  Are you suggesting that the BJP is in your  Trap?


  1. I don’t say the BJP. I call it the social system,  Manuvad.


   Q.11 And you call the BJP a Manuvadi party?


  1. Manuvadi number two. Congress(I) is number one. Janata Dal number three. They are all Manuvadi.


   Q.12. From now on you will have nothing to do  with   Mulayam?


  1. Why not ?


   Q.13.But only last week you toppled his government?


  1. I’ve got the feeling that he will support the BSP Government in his own interest.


   Q.14. Are you saying that if Mulayam changes you will  realign with him?


  1. I still consider him a part and parcel of  the  Bahujan Samaj.


  1. TIMES OF INDIA, 04.05.95


   Q.1. How have  you entered into  this  strange  new alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) which  you had castigated as ‘manuvadi’?


  1. The BJP is still a manuwadi party, but they  are supporting us-we are not supporting them. Our only  goal is that  Mulayam Singh Yadav should not remain in power. If the BJP-or any  other party helps us in this -what harm is there? While he was in power, Mulayam Singh made money-then he used that money to buy people.In my reckoning this is a state of affairs that cannot be permitted to continue.


   Q.2.Have you been in touch with other political  Parties?


  1. I have authorised Jayant Malhotra to speak to other parties. He rang up (Janata Dal president) S.R.Bommai, who is abroad. Mr.Bommai has expressed his agreement with our point of view. After all, his party had once taken the support of the BJP to form a government-they should have no objections.


   Q.3. Will the BSP fight the next elections in alliance with any other party?


  1. It may enter into an alliance but it will form a government by itself.


   Q.4. What was your major point of difference  with  Mulayam Singh Yadav?


  1. Woh ujaalase darta hain Main andhakarse darta hoon(He is scared of the light. I am scared of the darkness.) He betrayed us in the panchayat elections and when we asked him, he said that he was not able to control indiscipline in his  party, keep thinking of Parliament elections-but he is obsessed with     panchayat level politics. I used to keep telling him – at least think of your state government, but he did not pay heed to me. I had  picked him up from the mire and made him CM when no one was prepared to touch him. Now we have returned him to that mire.


   Q.5.Do you see yourself as a future Prime Minister as some of your well-wishers have suggested?


  1. It is kind of them to say so. But I have always belived in staying far away from the chair. I am more interested in a movement, in introducing land reform as I have already  got done  in Bijnor and Bulandshahr districts.It is better Mayawati become Chief Minister.


   Q.6. Would you like to react to reports that BSP legislators were  beaten  and kidnapped by Samajwadi Party(SP) activists in Lucknow?


  1. Those who have been beaten up should be prepared to answer violence  with  violence. Unke maarpeet ki tayari karni chahiy.


   Q.7. What about reports that 21 BSP MLAs have crossed over to the SP?


  1. This is not true. Mulayam Singh’s men are on the rampage, and they are trying to intimidate our MLAs. On the contrary, 30 SP MLAs are willing to cross over.


   Q.8. What about the Supreme Court’s ruling that  President’s rule can only be imposed when the ruling party fails to muster a majority on the floor of the House?


  1. Which Constitution permits people to be beaten up? Which Supreme Court endorsed kidnapping? How many  people must be harassed and mauled before the  governor imposes President’s rule in UP?




     Mayawati was born at the village of  Badalpur in  the District of Gaziabad in Uttar Pradesh then it was  Bulandshahar. She is the second of nine children of her parents. She was two years old when her father, Shri Prabhu Dayal, brought the family to Delhi from her native village Badalpur. Her elder sister is a        housewife and the youngest in under her apprenticeship  and looking after the Humayun Road flat, none of her six brothers are into politics. Four of her brothers are in government service, while two run small shops of their own.


    As a teenager, Mayawati taught herself to garner  the educational skills that would enable her to transcend the social obstacles that Dalits face. She was a very good student in  her beginning carrier in school life. She was so confident, and keen as a student that after she scored well in class-ix, She decided to sit the next year for the Higher Secondary examination as  a  private student. She scored 46 per cent marks at the Higher Secondary examination. Then she was admitted on to do her B.A. in the college and then went to Meerut to take a B.Ed degree and        quality as  a  teacher. Thereafter she returned from  Meerat to Delhi to take a degree in Law from Delhi  University. Her educational credentials did not, however, cloud her down-t-earth sensibility. When her father started a small diary with four or  five mulch buffaloes at their Buddha Nagar house. Mayawati would        help out with the mulching and in looking  after  the  cattle. Simplicity, cleanliness and hygiene were her   essential preferences as a young girl. She used to wear khadi in her young age.


    Her first job was as a school teacher in a Delhi  Government school. At Buddha Nagar, she would also collect Dalit school children and  hold  free  tuition classes. She was so convinced about their need to study and make something of themselves that if a pupil or two didn’t turn up  for tuition, Mayawati would drag them out of the house and cane them up, with hardly a protest from their parents.


    She herself was a good debater at school and  college, winning many a prize.


     Mayawati’s great passion is gardening. Her B-685 Buddha Nagar, Inder Puri, house, where she grew up, are resplendent with flowerpots and fruit trees. The  sketchy  shehtoot, the short-statured anar tree, guava and mango trees, as well as a small vine of grapes, all these have been  Mayawati’s  personal treasures.   Living  at Buddha Nagar, behind the Pusa Institute        helped foster this great passion in her childhood.


     She is also a very good cook -“good, but of simple food”. She has simple food habits and is a frugal eater. She eats just two meals a day, but salads are a must.


     She took to early morning walks with her father  Prabhu Dayal, leaving  home at 3 a.m., and during these walks father and daughter discussed social issues. When Mayawati said that she wanted to  work  for soshit samaj(the exploited class), she got        full support from her family including her parent.


     The turning point in the young girl’s life was her first reading the Writings by Dr.Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar. She took to reading  books  at an early age.  Poetry was a passion, too, until she went into   social work. After she read  Dr.B.R.Ambedkar’s  books,  she became very involved with the condition of life of the depressed classes and the oppression they were subjected to.


     It was at a BAMSEF(All India  Backward  Employees  Federation) meeting, when She come to touch with Dalit  messiah Kanshi Ram. The young school teacher delivered a lecture in that meeting. Kanshi Ram was very much impressed by her fiery  style of talking that he persuaded her to join BAMSEF. That’s when she left her job and went into join the BAMSEF.Later it transformed the socio-political organization DS-4, the Dalit  Soshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti.


      On 14th April, 1984, this  is  the  birth day  of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar,  Kanshi  Ram formed a full-fledged  new  political party, BSP full form Bahujan Samaj Party. It was the  beginning of a new  chapter  in the life of Mayawati, the Budda Nagar girl who in now  Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, north India’s  most important political state.









  1. Excerpts fron the speech of Ms.Mayawati, Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh in the U.P. Vidhan Sabha on June 19,1995.


               HON’BLE SPEAKER, SIR


     I am greatly indebted to this House for accepting the message of His Excellency the Governor, and the proceeding of the House today is being conducted in accordance with it. As far as the conduct of Shri Dhani Ram Verma is  concerned, I would  not like to say anything since respected leaders of almost all the parties have placed before you several things   about his conduct. But there is one thing that I want  to place before this House. When we look at the conduct of Shri Dhani Ram Verma, I am reminded of the Constitution drafted by our  most  revered  Baba Saheb Dr.Bhim Rao Ambedkar. While making the Constitution, our most revered Dr.Ambedkar had also kept in mind the conduct of persons like Dhani Ram Vermaji. The provisions regarding responsibilities assigned to the Speaker were made by Baba Saheb while framing the Constitution in the good  belief that the occupant of the  chair  of  the Speaker in  the Parliament or in the Assembly  will function within  the  framework of the Constitution. The most revered Baba Saheb Dr.Ambedkar was also aware of the fact that at some time or the other persons like Shri Dhani Ram Verma may also occupy   this  seat,  and  made provisions  in the Indian Constitution in order to check the conduct of such persons and it is under these provisions that His Excellency the Governor has sent the message to this House. It is a matter of great        happiness that His Excellency the Governor has maintained the sanctity of the Constitution of India, and for this the people of this state and all respected leaders are grateful to him. At a time like this I feel that when the history of the Vidhan Sabha  is  written, the  chain of events  which  followed  my assumption  of office of Chief Minister of this State,  Dhani Ram  Vermaji’s  conduct  as well as the manner  in  which His Excellency the Governor maintained the  sanctity of the Constitution of India will also be recorded in this history. The history will never forget it. I would also like to inform you that Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav of Samajwadi Party had a great  role  in tarnishing my image and the image of my party  before the country and its people,and also in creating misunderstandings about me and my party.


     When I was not occupying this office in August,  the people did not think well of me. People thought that Mayawati was a casteist,Mayawati was very  quarrel some, Mayawati entertained the feeling of hatred, but the love and affection that I received  from all of you and from the people have proved  that this propaganda was totally false. I had said on  the very first day when I took oath of office that  today I have become the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh; the biggest state of the country: And that prior to this day, as National general Secretary of  BSP I had the responsibility of only Bahujan  Samaj on my shoulders but today the responsibility of  Sarv Samaj has come on my shoulders. I would like to  assure that nobody in Uttar Pradesh will have reason to feel that the Chief Minister has dispensed justice on basis of  caste or creed. After assuming office, I had told the people of the State and the country that they would never feel that step motherly treatment was meted out to them on the basis of caste or creed.


     All of you are fully aware of the circumstances  in which I assumed the office of the Chief Minister.  You  also know  that  my  predecessor Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav ruled the state  for 18 months, and you are also fully aware of what happened in those 18 months. It  was a SP-BSP alliance Government. When the alliance was formed, we had put forth certain conditions. The first condition was that there should be no atrocities or excesses in U.P., specially on Scheduled Castes,  Scheduled  Tribes, Other Backward Classes  and  those belonging to religious minorities like Sikhs, Muslims, Parsis and Buddhists and we would have to pay special attention to them. The second condition was that law and order would have to be properly maintained in U.P so that people could live in peace and tranquillity.  We had also emphasised that mothers and sisters in U.P.should not be dishonoured, irrespective of their caste and creed, and full respect and honour should  be ensured to them so that they might lead a life  of  self respect. All these  things were emphasised at the  time of formation  of the alliance. But I regret to say that nothing of that sort happened in these 18  months. What actually happened is well known to you.  The law and order had crumbled and there was Jungle Raj in U.P. Large Scale atrocities and excesses  were perpetrated on Dalits, Backwards and oppressed  people. Not only this, goondaism and mafia activities spread on a vast scale in Uttar Pradesh. A glaring example of this was gross misbehaviour and assault on me and on legislators of my  party  in the State Guest House on June 2 last. It is an  incident  which  the history will never forget. The power in U.P. at the  time of that incident was in the hand of Mr.Mulayam  Singh Yadav. Highly agitated and agonised by this  incident, you decided  on  this   occasion  to  extend  full cooperation to make Ms.Mayawati the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh so that mafia  and goondaraj may not again get a foothold in Uttar Pradesh.


     When the Samajwadi  Party did not fully  redeem  the promises made to Bahujan Samaj Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party, withdrew  its support keeping in view the interest of the poor and oppressed sections.  When the same was conveyed in writing to  the  Governor on June 1, 1995, what  treatment  Mr.Mulayam Singh  gave to me and my legislators and what happened on June 2 is fully known to you.I am heartily thankful to  Bhartiya Janata Party for extending unconditional support to  me for checking such incidents and to prevent attempts  which  were  being  made to violate the dignity of the Constitution and the House. Along with this, I am also grateful to the Congress Party, CPI, Janata Dal and break away group of Samajwadi Party headed by  Hridaya Narain Dixitji who, greatly pained by the incidents of June 2, had to form separate Samajwadi Democratic  front. I am also thankful to the Independent members who are present here and who have condemned the June 2 incident. I also thank all the honourable members of this House present here for extending their support to me in ensuring  smooth conduct of the proceedings of this honourable House.

                                                                                    Thank  you.




Hon’ble Speaker, Sir,


     Respected leaders of many political parties and   Independent members  of  the House spoke before  me  and put forward their views on the confidence motion.  I have listened to them very attentively. I want to put forward the views of my  Government before the House. I was attentively listening to Brother Ram Asrey Vermaji, the leader of the Janata Dal. I have  great  respect for him. He condemned the happenings  of June 2, but that condemnation was only at the  State level. The attitude of the central leaders of the Janata Dal had been the  subject  of  condemnation  by the  entire  depressed  and  exploited  community in the country. I want to make it  clear that the people belonging to Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav’s party,        goonda elements used force against me and my party legislators  and  tried  to abduct legislators of my party from  the  State   Guest  House  on June 2.  Not only this, their plan  was  that since  Mayawati  has withdrawn support from Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Government,and has staked claim to form the Government before the Governor, therefore she should be taught a lesson.


     Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav aimed not only at the  legislators of my party but also at me. You all know  well what happened on that day from 4 O’clock in the evening till the next  morning. The goonda elements  continued to hurl abuses at us, used filthy language, shouted slogans and kept trying to break into my room by smashing doors and windows, they could  not succeed in their objective mainly because of the blessing  of  the poor and exploited people whom I have sought to  serve all my life. From 4 O’clock in the evening till  one in the night, the  power, water and telephone connections of my room were severed off. I was in difficulty throughout the night and braved the attack  of the goonda elements of Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav. I knew Mulayam Singhji will try every trick to prevent me from occupying this office. I came to know from reliable sources that he had planned  to get me killed but he did not succeed. When the nation leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party came to know on June 2 about the happenings of the State Gust House, its members rushed and appealed to the Governor many times for my safety. At the same  time, the next day on June 3, the BJP leaders, specially brother Atal Behari, raised the issue in Parliament. Vajpayiji not only condenmed the incident in strongest terms but also interrupted the proceedings of the House several times.(to focus attention on the incident). At that time leaders of the Janata Dal like Mr.Rambilas  Paswan, who considers himself the champion of the depressed classes and talks of social justice, were also present in the house.


     I  believe that every party has its own ideology.  The BJP, the BSP, the Janata Dal, the Congress, all have different ideologies. But on humanitarian grounds Mr.Ramvilas Paswan should not have kept quiet at that occasion. At that time Mr.Atal Behari Vajpayi stalled   the proceedings of the Parliament. There are members in the Congress as  well  who  believe in humanity.  At that time Chowdhary Ajit Singhji and brother Balram Singh Yadav brought the matter to the notice of        the  Prime  Minister. That is why I want to tell you  (Mr.Ram Asrey Verma) that Mr.Rambilas Paswan,a national leader of Janata  Dal, who is the self-styled champion of the  depressed and exploited community and who incessantly talks of social justice, remained tounge-tied.


      The depressed and exploited people in the country have concluded after  this  incident  that the  slogan  of  social justice of the Janata Dal is hollow and without any substance. Although Mr.Sharad Yadav  and his party had  condemned  the incident, was it not Mr.Rambilas Paswan’s moral responsibility to say something on the occasion? He talks of social justice but what kind of social justice is this? He should have taken up the issue on humanitarian grounds considering that Mayawati was a lady of his community, a sister of his community,a daughter of his community, and he should have said  something in Parliament.  Whatever happened in the State Guest House is        known to all and when he came to know about it, he should have said  something. But  he remained silent.  And he  talks  of social justice!


     I want to tell the national leaders of the Janata Dal that their slogan of social justice is just hollow. My voice should reach their  national leaders. The Janata dal had declared eradication of communalism as its creed. But in 1989 when the  general elections were held, you all fought the election together with  the BJP which is alleged to give encouragement to  communalism. Today the BJP has given us unconditional  support, but the Janata Dal had an  intimate partnership with it for the elections. You  formed the government in the State and at the Centre.  At that time who was the Chief Minister. At that time Mr.Mulayam Singh  Yadav was the Chief Minister. Your party raised a slogan of social justice at that time also. Since it was Janata Dal government at the  Centre, the State government did not have to go  anywhere else for justice. I want to say that it was at that time that the Panwari incident took place in the Agra district and many persons  belonging  to  the  Jatav community were subjected to atrocities and injustice. I was representing Bijnore in the Lok Sabha at that time. I want to tell the House that innocent Jatavs were killed there and Mr.Paswan did not even  go to see them. I raised the issue in Parliament.  Mr.V.P.Singh was the Prime Minister then and Mr.Paswan  was minister of Labour and Welfare. Mr.V.P.Singh was then raising the slogan of social justice! What was the compulsion that justice could not be given to them?


     I want to make it very explicit that as far as  the question of social justice is concerned, it can not be brought about until and unless there is social  change. It is precisely why the BSP is waging a struggle throughout the country. The Janata  Dal talks of social justice only  to beguile the depressed, the deprived and the exploited. If you actually  have any faith in according social justice to Dalits and  the exploited classes, then you should speak about social change first. Only  then will it be  established  that  you actually want to give justice to the Dalit, exploited classes.


     Next to him (Mr.Ram Asrey Verma) are sitting the Congress leaders. Just  now, brother Promod Tiwariji  was mentioning that what was the attitude of our party towards the Babari Masjid issue. As I have already stated, the ideologies of the BSP and the BJP are different. Every party has its own ideology. But in Uttar Pradesh the BJP has extended to us unconditional  support and you also agree with it. You know under what circumstances this unconditional support has been given to us. There was anarchy all over Uttar  Pradesh, excesses  were  being  committed  against  the  poor  and  the  depressed,  mothers  and sisters were being molested, the law and order had collapsed, gondaism and the mafia were spreading their  tentacles  in Uttar Predesh. Recently, elections were held for the zila Parishads. Large scale irregularities were committed  during these elections. Votes were bought and sold through the agency of the bureaucrats. Not only  this,  the bureaucracy, which should have acted honestly, even that was corrupted by Mr.Mulayam Singh  Yadav. I have told the legislators of the BSP-today the national leaders of the BJP, Mr.Atal Bihari Bajpai and Dr.Murli Manohar Joshi are here and I will speak  to  them also- that in  matters  of  efficient working  of the administration, in matters of  bureaucracy I will neither listen to BSP legislators nor BJP  legislators, nor anybody else. Whether it is D.M. or I.G or D.I.G.or S.S.P.or officers placed in high offices, I want to tell you that I shall not treat them in the same way as Mulayam Singhji. Officers will be placed on the basis of their efficiency. I will not place junior officers over others. The bureaucracy  will have full scope according to seniority. With this  the bureaucracy will assist the people in the maintenance of  law and  order. This will also enable us to embark on the path of development which had collapsed for a long time. Therefore, legislators  and  leaders  who are present here will not put pressure on me in selection of officers.


     I also want to tell the House that if some  officer does something wrong, I will not transfer him  on  the recommendation  of any MLA but institute an inquiry. Transfer is  no punishment. If an officer does something wrong in one district and I transfer him to another, he is likely to repeat his wrong actions there too. If the allegations are found to be  correct in the inquiry, strict action shall be taken against him.


     I return to what Promod Tiwarji had asked about  the Babri Masjid issue and the BSP’s stand on it.  Every party has its  own ideology. The BJP has extended its support to us to  rectify  the  situation  that was obtaining in the State. Disorder, chaos,  broken down law and order machinery, oppression and   injustice were on the increase. The unconditional support is for this specific purpose. As far as  the  party ideologies are concerned, they differ from party to party  and  there  can  be different stands  about  the  Babri  Masjid. As  far  as BSP is concerned, it will abide by the judgement of the court.The Constitution of India is supreme and justice will be given according to the Constitution.


     Regarding whatever has been said about the interest of religious minorities-Sikhs,Muslims,Parses, Buddhists-specially the largest Muslim minority community not being safe under the BSP rule, I want to make it clear that if  Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav was such a well wisher of Muslim’s why did he not distribute more tickets to the Muslims during the December, 1993 elections of the Vista Sabah. At that time, it  had  been  decided  about the distribution  of  seats  that Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav should be allotted more Vidhan  Sabha seats because we wanted to make him Chief Minister and we accepted lesser number of Assembly seats. BSP was  more interested in the Centre. It was decided that in the Assembly election 60% seats should be left for Mulayam Singh and the rest 40% will remain will the BSP. But the ratio  would  be reversed  in  the case of Parliament. For the Loksabha Elections, 60% seats will remain with the BSP and 40% would go to Mulayam Singhji;this was the alliance.In the elections the BSP won 67 seats and later some more in the by  election. At  that time the Samajwadi Party got 107 seats, the Congress 28, the Janata Dal 27, the CPI three, the Janata Party one and the Independents eight seats. The BJP won the largest number 176 of seats.  Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav says that the BSP is no well  wisher of the Muslims. I want to tell him that in  the alliance. 40%  seats  were allotted to us and  60%  to  the Samajwadi Party. BSP was allotted 42 seats in Agra, Meerut and Moradabad commissionaire out of a total of 112 seats. Out of this 42 seats, the BSP gave 21 tickets  to our Muslim brethren. No other party had given so many seats to Muslims in western Uttar  Pradesh. It is a different matter that because of the ‘fatwa’,the BSP candidates lost in the western        districts. But in the eastern districts where ‘fatwas’  did not reach, Muslims were elected on our party ticket. Out of 67 MLA’s of the BSP 12 were Muslims, while there were only 10 Muslims, among the 107 seats that the SP won, the Congress had one in 28, the Janata Party had lone member who was a Muslim and  who  was  originally from the BSP but had to fight  as  a        Janata Party candidate because according to the  seat  adjustment,  this  seat  had  gone to  Mulayam  Singhji  and therefore  this  candidate  would  have  had to contest the election as an Independent. He therefore approached Dr.Subramaniam Swamy, President  of the Janata Party, and ultimately won the election on the Janata party symbol. There was one Muslim  among the eight Independents and  no Muslim among  the 176 wins of the BJP because Muslims were then angry with  the BJP. This shows that the maximum number of  Muslims were brought to the House by the BSP as its  members. Sir, Mr.Mulayam Singh has talked about linking Urdu with the means of livelihood. I would like to ask him that 1989 when he was the Chief Minister and the Government was of Janta Dal, then at  that time why did he not advocate the cause of Muslims and why  did  he not link Urdu to means of livelihood  then? The fact is that this linkage was only because of the pressure of the BSP.


     I want to thank the honourable members again for their support-support to maintain law  and  order,  to  stop the atrocities which were on the increase in the state, to end the state of lawlessness and anarchy and to eradicate goondaism and mafia activities, specially the prevention of atrocities on Dalits, exploited classes, Backwards, women and  religious minorities. I am most grateful for the unconditional support  given  to  us by the BJP. I also thank those members  of the Samajwadi Party who formed the Democratic Socialist Front and extended to us their Support to maintain law and order in the State and to curb goondaism. I also express my gratitude towards  Hon’ble Mr.Narsimha Rao, Prime Minister, who did  not interfere with  the situation and asked the Governor  to act under the provisions of the Constitution. I thank him for maintaining the dignity and sanctity of the Constitution.


                                  Thank you

                         (translated from Hindi)




  1. Uttar Pradesh Government for the first time has decided 21% of its budget will be spent for the development of SC/ST.


  1. To speed up welfare program statewise, BSP Government has decided to create four  new  divisions namely Ambedkar village development division, Backward caste development division, handicapped welfare division and Minority welfare division.


  1. To create confidence amongst weaker section from oppressors, it has been decided to posts 20% of SHO from SC/ST, 25% from OBC and 8% from Minorities in the state.


  1. Five Thousand Ambedkar villages will be provided with free boring, sanitary, Indira Avas, drinking water,communication,electricity by  31.12.95.        It may be mentioned here that in the past 5 years  only 1303 villages provided the above facilities.


  1. BSP Government will distribute the 1 acre free cultivating land  under Gram Sava to  the  landless SC/ST farmers.


  1. BSP Government has decided that those unauthorized land  which  are in acquire of SC/ST  upto  3.6.95 will  be regularized in their name. Till date it was up to 30.6.85. This is the first ever  state Government to take such revolutionary action.  After this decision it has been decided that the court case against the SC/ST owners of such illegally acquire lands will be dismissed.


  1. Lottery is the enemy of our society. It is especially harmful for labourers, dalits and women. BSP Government took pain to lose 70 crores to stop this lottery system. This decision was hailed from every nook and corner of the state.


  1. BSP government has decided to  make  permanent memorial for the historic personality among the dalits and has acquired 28 acres of land and a park’s foundation was laid by the CM. Ms.Mayawati in the name of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. After completion, it will be a historic park in the  world. BSP Government has  changed the name of Agra University as Dr.B.R.Ambedkar University, it has renamed the Agra stadium as Eklavya  stadium who was the victim of Manus caste system, and Kanpur University has renamed as Shahuji Maharaj  University. 67th district of the state will be named after Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and 68th district will be renamed after Myrtr Udam Singh Nagar (Killer of col.Dyire who was responsible for Jalianwala  bagh in Punjab).


  1. BSP Government for the first time has ordered the lower officers to hear the poor people and look after their grievances. District Magistrate and District Superintendent of Police will meet the public between  9 A.M.  to 10 A.M.  everyday.


  1. BSP Government has not permitted to hold the “Jalavishek” in “Shringer Gouri” at Varanasi. Unsocial element were dealt with firm hand, by the Government.  It has been able to maintain the law and order in the state. This act was welcomed by all.


  1. After declaring the “Vishnu Mahayanga”(a religious ceremony) in Mathura the communal tension arose but the situation was  successfully  controlled  by the Government. Further the Government didn’t allow any new religious ceremony within 3km around the Birth place of Krishna/Shahi Idgah mosque in Mathura.


  1. Uttar Pradesh OBC committee has  submitted its report on 11.7.94. But the predecessor Government  dumped it, and did not take any action. When it came to the knowledge of the BSP Government on 5.7.95,  promptly this Government has accepted the recommendation of the state OBC committee and  ordered to ensure the administration to issue the OBC and Minority certificate to the genuine  person  and  help  them to  get the 27% reservation which is provided as per law.


  1. “Parivartan Chack”(Changing circle) has been built up at Lucknow to remember those who fought for the social change of this country.




    On  19-12-94 Times of India in its Editorial published “The  LOK  Adalat and village and on 28.5.97  Hindustan Times carried out an article written Vasudra Mishra. The Editor of Times of India  has  described the socio economic status of women in the complicated Indian society. Where sexism, communalism and casteism  derive from common cultural resources. 80% of our Society is still run by the orthodox illiterate  villagers.Dausa in Rajasthan hunged a youth, beheading  a couple in Khandrawali in UP a girl lynched as she had affair with a Dalits, thousands of such happenings are not reported in this country. The Constitution  adopted By India has given the equal rights in the  ancestral property along with their brothers but most girls prefer to renounce it in favour of their  brothers and to sign the No objection certificate and accept the slavery rule of Manu. It is observed in most of the cases that after birth from the mother’s womb the sons become the enemy of the mother and after  some years he starts thinking that he is superior than his mother. Even out of the 4 or 5 sons or daughters the younger son will think that his elder sisters  have no importance as it was directed by Manu the Hindu law giver.


     Mayawati  Government is not distorting panchayati  Raj act. Any act must be help the poor and it should be progressive. Villages are still rule by the Manu’s code. It is Manu  who  denounced the law which made the female sex hated  by  man but the male can’t live without women from childhood to old age. He is constantly a dependent on her. Dr.B.R.Ambedkar  resigned from the  cabinet  to pressurize the  Govt to pass the Hindu Code  bill  which  gave equal  rights  to  both the sex in all over Indian (Art.15 of  the Indian constitution). Unfourtunetly few Dalits have  taken all reservation facilities from the Government  as Babashaheb earned but in family life they also follow the rule framed by Manu in the name of social  customs.If the slave enjoy their slavery then no  body can save them. Female can’t get justice untill and        unless the  society  accept  the  will and  wish  of  Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. Right can not be established by writings,it needs action and practical implementation.


Dr.B.R.Ambedkar &  Gandhi the basic difference of  this  two leaders  were very deep and logical. Unlike Gandhi,  Ambedkar wanted to  kill untouchability along with the Varna or castesystem which is the sole cause of untouchability. He told society must be free from anykind of bias by caste or varna. Heriditiary profession must go, works must be on the basis of merits. Varna or caste is a unscientific social system under Hindu religion. Dr.Ambedkar says  cast  system  makes Hindus not only unsocial  but  anti social.  So  it is not hard to understand the difference between the two leaders.


     Gandhi supported caste or varna system and wanted to make untouchables as touchables and make them better slave under caste system.


     Now  Dr.Ambedkar  era is in advance position the  25%  SC/ST  are  uniting with the OBC’s. Some true  intellectuals have started to reading Ambedkar’s writings which have been published in fifteen volumes by Maharastra Government. People who read it, can understand very easily what is  Ambedkarism. It is not against anybody, it’s against the customary code of conduct which makes countries’ 25 crores people  disabled. Even  some literate dalits could not come out from the  clutch of Brahminical social order. They are not reading Babashaheb’s works. They took all advantages of reservation and forget the origin and are not ready to Pay Back to his own society anything.                                                                         


    Whether it was Indira Gandhi’s 20-point programme, the common minimum  programme  of the United Front or  the  national agenda of the  BJP and its coalition partners, the thrust has always been on poverty alleviation.Every successive government has reiterated  its commitment to eradicate poverty. The BJP government is no exception. Mrs Gandhi’s Garibi Hatao,  Rajiv Gandhi’s ill fated “march towards the 21st   century”, P.V.Narasimha  Rao’s  faith in the “trickle-down”theory of free trade,  and Atal Behari Vaspayee’s promise of “removing hunger in the  next ten years”, V.P.Singh’s ” Social Justice” all aimed  at getting  rid of poverty. Instead, the worlds biggest  democracy        has earned the dubious distinction of having the maximum number of world’s poor-an estimated 320 million.


      When it comes to translating the electoral concerns into real action aimed at removing poverty, the poor are pushed to the background. At the time of integrating the Indian economy with the global markets, planners feel helpless. Policy maker assume that even if poverty increases in the short-term, this is a price that  has to paid for long term stability and growth. After all, the nation has to be subjected to the iron principles of economic rationalism,  sometimes called ‘tough love’. Just the right phrase:   love for the rich and privileged, tough  for  everyone else. This is the experience of last 50 years after        independence.


     If at a time when rhetoric and statistics have  bred immunity against human compassion, the number of poor and hungry have grown in absolute terms,then there is  something  gravely wrong with our approach.  Wrong plan and improper implication are responsible.   People  of  the  helms are  used  to  consume  the resources  produced  by their poor countrymen. Let us  first  be  very  clear:  the  poor do not need fiscal growth but food and shelter. They have no stake in capital account  convertibility but  need  an assured supply of safe drinking water. They need timely microcedit, often a couple of thousand rupees, and have no use for creditcards or open a bank account in Switzerland or any other foreign country. And yet, the entire economic exercise so far  has been to ensure a massive transfer of resources from the rural to the urban centres, from a weak agrarian structure to the well entrenched business enterprises in the cities.   The  poor have been left to fend for themselves, with the hope that one day a little bit of the shine of the rich will somehow ‘tricle down’ to them.


     “Focus on the poor”,a publication from Government  of India, Ministry of Civil Supplies. Likely structure  of the households, here it is arranged according to annual income.



  High Upper middle Middle Lower middle Low Poor
Annual Income 86000 & above 62000 40000 20000 Below 20000
Population in millions 3.89 6.24 15.96 40.68 33.96 56.58
% of population 2.47% 3.97% 10.15% 25.86% 21.58% 35.97%


     Such  a  misplaced emphasis on growth can come only from the kind of economic planning we have pursued so far. No amount of tinkering around with resource allocation or with a sterile search for  technological miracles can usher in the economic       miracle. With all reverence to the economic pundits  who have toiled  hard  to arrive at a consensus on the poverty line, the algebra of poverty equation is still wide off the mark. While 36% of the country’s population, with a monthly earning of less than  Rs.264, fall below the poverty line, what about those  who earn Rs.300 or even Rs.1000? Don’t they need to be pulled out of the  poverty  trap? Or are policy makers ashamed to accept  that the  real poverty line is much higher and, therefore, can  be  a  cause for political embarrassment?


     We live in ‘lean and mean times’, and everyone  has to tighten their belts, so the mantra goes. In reality, the country is awash in capital, with ‘surging profits’ that are overflowing the coffers of corporate India. We have more and more financial        allocations being made from the public exchequer for agri-business industry, for setting up canine food factories,for encouraging commercial flower cultivation and so on.  So much so that  the  nation does not regret spending $130 to earn  $34  per  hector from the sale of cut-flowers. Nor is there any remorse in exporting good quality foodgrains and in  turn allowing  the expansion of the junk food market within the country. But when it comes to reaching food to where the hungry need it most, the question of widening fiscal deficit invariably crops in. What  is being reported blandly on the front pages would elicit ridicule and horror in a society with a genuinely free and democratic intellectual culture. Take just one   example. Consider the economic fallout from the series of annual budgets ever since liberalization was unleashed in 1991. The fiscal policies include the radically regressive shift in tax burden: reduction  in taxes for the rich and increase in taxes for the poor. Concealed as rise in transit fares for the working people, higher tuition fees for children,   increase  in  water and electricity  tariffs, rising prices of essential commodities and coupled with  severe cutbacks in public funds that serve  public  needs, these  policies are certainly aimed at driving  the poor out.


     It is all for their benefit, the neo-classic  economists would rigorously argue. But where will the  poor masses go? Perhaps  to flock to the urban centres of growth to do the dirty work for those who are entitled to enjoy the benefits of economic reforms. As  we admire the imposing edifice of superhighways reincarnated with all kinds of trendy car models, the compassion for  the poor sleeping on the pavements does not even bring tears to the eyes. But then, that is what is the tragedy of poverty. And yet, given the economic restructuring on the advice of the World  Bank and the WTO, poverty will prove to be robustly  sustainable.




     Analysis of the Lok Sabha elections of 1998 has  shown that the voter turn-out of the Dalit social groups has increased. Further, these groups are asserting their autonomous Bahujan identity and are also active participants in the making of a new        agenda. A few facts may be mentioned here to substantiate the argument that the Bahujan Samaj is a powerful force in the politics of the 1990s and their demands have to be on the centrestage of the political agenda.


     First, the BJP has been compelled to respond to the new assertion of the Bahujan Samaj by appropriating even the  Mandal formula,  which  was vehemently opposed by it in the 1990s. In spite of serious opposition by the entrenched high castes in UP, BJP polities, Kalyan Singh is not expendable  because he represents  the other backward castes and the party of high caste Hindus has to show that it cares for the interests of the OBCs and Dalits.


     Out of the 179 Lok Sabha seats won by the BJP, it won 24 from the Scheduled Caste constituencies and 14 from the Scheduled Tribes reserve constituencies. The BJP won the majority of  its Scheduled  Caste  reserve seats in the Hindi heartland like 4 in Bihar, 5 in  Madhya Pradesh and 11 in Uttar Pradesh. The Jan Sangh/BJP before the middle of the 1980s was not at all sensitive to  the Bahujan Samaj phenomenon and it is making every effort to reach these hitherto underclass of the high caste Hindu society. Thus, the emergence of Bahujan Samaj phenomena has made a  Hindu        socially conservative party to shift its public agenda to win the elections.


     Second, and important explanation for the growing decline of the Congress lies in its failure to get the support from the Bahujan Samaj, which has shift to the Bahujan Samaj party after its imarge. This facts only prove that Bahujan Samaj Party has come  to  occupy  a central position in this country, a further analysis  may be made to understand the complex and contradictory inside story of Bahujan Samaj.The  Hindi  heartland came face-to-face  with  the  new  challenge of  Dalit  social  forces because of land reforms and the constitutional provisions for the reservation  of seats in every public institutions for Scheduled        Castes and Scheduled Tribes by Dr.B.R.AMbedkar.The  beneficiaries of land reforms in UP, Bihar, etc, were the middle peasant  backward castes and reservations in public  institutions gave  birth to a Dalit elite who were upwardly mobile and the Savarna ruling class leadership failed to respond to this silent social  transformation,independent leaders from Bahujan  Samaj       social formations emerged and formed their own political parties. Manyavar Kanshi Ram has established a separate party for Bahujan Samaj and working to uplift the economic condition to the  poor but social contradictions in India are not only between the high        castes and the others,but are very much present  between the other backward castes, the Dalits and the real Dalits. Some backward leaders follow  suit  of Kanshi Ram as a result the Bahujan Samaj movement is in slow but steady motion.


     The  development  of the Bahujan Samaj politics in  north India  has  revealed  that the Uttar Pradesh are  witnessing  the elimination of an umbrella  party like the Congress and its replacement by the BSP. The BSP cannot aline with Mulayam Singh Yadav in UP or some other leaders in some other state though they are also the part of Bahujan Samaj because there is a fundamental antagonism among the  multiple  fragmented  Bahujan Samaj and leaders of the intermediate castes who promote interests which directly hurt the interest’s of those sections of the Dalits who  are represented by some particular group, while Bahujan Samaj has emerged to fight against caste oppression and caste exploitation and the villages of India. Some group are interested to follow the brahminical social order in the one way and want  to  fight against it.


      If on one hand, the party of the brahminical social order has woken up to the reality of conscious Bahujan Samaj, on the other hand Bahujan Samaj has established their dominant position in the politics  of UP. Caste exclusion in politics in a multi-edged  weapon which makes every sub-caste project its exclusive  identity  which  will ultimately kill the  poison of caste.


     The politics of Bahujan samaj tell a different story in other parts of India compared to the Hindu  region since anti-Brahmin social reform movements preceded the politicization of Bahujan politics.   E.V.Ramaswamy Naiker let a renaissance movement  based  on an anti-temple, anti-God social platform to awaken the oppressed castes from the influence of Brahmins  and priests. Similarly, in Maharashtra, social reform  preceded political activisation of the Bahujan Samaj.  Dalit poetry, and drama  and  dalit  education emerged as the platform for dalit awakening. In Bengal, Harichand Thakur and his son Guruchand Thakur led a social movement to educate the downtrodden people in any cost and anti-vedic, anti-priest religion without caste and creed they founded. Such efforts of dalit social reformists in Bengal maintained a distance from the Congress and followed Dr.B.R.Ambedkar’s ideology in future course of action. In Keral Narayana Guru, in Punjab Sant Ravi Das and so in other states.


     The story of dalit reform in Tamil Nadu,  Maharashtra, Bengal and other states has a lesson for  all  Dalit  parties. Political assertion of the  Dalits in a necessary but not sufficient condition  for Bahujan Samaj emancipation. It is a flawed  political agenda of the Dalit leaders that political empowerment will necessarily lead to their social and  economic empowerment. Politics in democracy is an important activity for securing the rights of equality as a citizen but Bahujan Samaj  cannot  achieve  such  equality because a powerful anti Bahujan Samaj Hindu  Brahminical social order precedes the operation of the universal adult franchise based on democracy. As BSO are not allowing the Bahujan Samaj to their choice, an alternate may  be necessary to resist the culprits.


     Dalit parties and leaders should make use of  every political and public institution for protecting their rights and social dignity, but along with this  they should launch a renaissance movement with other  socially enlightened groups irrespective of their   caste affiliations against AdiSankaracharya’s idealist interpretation of society’ which denies the  existence  of the world as separate from God’ and which believes  that ‘God (Brahm) alone exits, that the human soul (Atma) is a spark of Brahm and all the physical world is a mere illusion(Maya). The Vedanta philosophy of the Hindu social order believes in Liberation (moksha) only after death when the soul is free from the illusion of physical world.  Dalits  must  reject this  idea  and  fight for their liberation. Unless this  world view, which is the foundation of Ramayan Mahabharat and other streams of Hindu civilian, is powerfully attacked and the bliss of the’other world’  is challenged as illusory and social existence I accepted as a reality, caste emancipation among the Hindus will not be possible. The alternative agenda for the real liberation  of  Bahujan Samaj has to be based on a true  religion that  tells  only this world exists and that this world is only material in nature.


    The  crux  of the issue is that Brahminical social  order does  not accept the principle of human equality even in  theory. The believers in social equality can not achieve emancipation from a caste based social order without intellectually taking up the cause of an alternative social philosophy which has to be based on the fact that social life is organised by human being in this  world  and  Brahm or Brahman has no role  in  defining our social status. It is a difficult path because it will have many failure stories like that of Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu where God or Goddesses have re-emerged in a big way irrespective of the efforts of Ramaswamy Naicker.


    It may be mentioned that a democratic revolution is going on in the country because the oppressed are  also politically conscious, but the fear is that the present leadership will be able to emancipation Bahujan Samaj to electoral politics  alone.        Atrocities  against  Dalits will increase if Dalits are in  power unless  the material and cultural agenda for Dalits is also taken up in a powerful manner.  Dignity, self-respect and equal rights for the  Bahujan Samaj can be ensured only by  transforming the mind-set  which  is  prepared  to reject that Brahm  or  God  has  created our unequal social order.






     Work  of  more  than six years completed in  only  six months-Mayawati, Chief Minister, U.P.


            Law and Order


    *  One lakh  hardened criminals arrested  during  the 45-day long Special Crime Control Drive, 7,400   new history-sheets opened, action taken against 844   mafia elements.


    *  Unprecedented fall in crimes against Women and Scheduled Castes/Tribes.


    * The tenure of present Government witnessed a decline of 49% in dacoities, 33% in loot, 18% in murders, 66% in road hold-ups,  33% in house breaking, 28% in kidnapping for ransom and 19% in IPC cases.


    *  Number of cases registered under the SC/ST Act were much  less as compared to the previous two years.  CM’s strict directive for checking misuse of this Act and action  against complainants lodging fake cases.


    * Gorakhpur and Varanasi zones rearranged. Special Police Zones created at Gonda and Pilibhit for keeping a close watch over Indo-Nepal border. Mirzapur Special Police Range created for U.P.-Bihar border. 4 Special Ranges created on Indo-Nepal  border. Two new Police Ranges created in Mirzapur and Basti.


   * 12 new districts created for effective policing.


   * A two-member committee constituted to resolve  the Shia-Sunni dispute in Lucknow




   * The amount of scholarships admissible to the primary and junior high school students belonging to  the SC/ST doubled. The qualifying income limit of the parents of the SC/ST  students  raised to Rs.2,500 per month for  scholarship  purpose.


   * The amount of assistance admissible to the poor families belonging to the Scheduled Castes for  medical treatment raised to Rs.2,000. Similarly, the   amount admissible for marriage of their daughters also  raised  to Rs.10,000.


    * IAS/PCS coaching centres opened for SC/ST  students in Aligarh, Agra and Varanasi.


    *  Four-fold increase in target of Indira Awas.


    *  ADM (Social Welfare) posted in every district  for the welfare of Dalits.


    *  Provision of 21.57% amount under the special component plan.


    * Priority to members of SC/ST in cane supply to Sugar Mills and the farmers of these communities were  given memberships in all the cane societies.


    * Parivartan Chowk and Dr.Ambedkar Udyan and  Smarak constructed in Lucknow.


    * Decision to double the scholarship admissible to the children belonging to the families engaged in  unhygienic occupations.


    *  Decision to set up special courts for Dalits in  20 districts in the final phase.


    * 1.58 lakh lease holders were given possession  over 1.20 lakhs acres land through a special drive. Unauthorised possession by Dalits on Gaon Sabha land till June 3,1995 was regularised, benefiting 15,000 Dalit families. The process of  eviction against them withdrawn. Lease holders having a lease of over 10  years were given the transferable Bhoomidhari rights.


   *  Decision to give financial assistance to the unemployed SC/ST doctors for opening private clinics.





   * Unfinished developmental works in 11,524 Ambedkar villages completed through a special drive.


   * During the period 01.04.97 to 31.8.97, 1564 villages were connected  with  metalled  roads,  1,082  villages were electrified, 73,783 clean toilets constructed in SC/ST houses, 83,500 Old Age and   19,785 Widow pensions distributed,brick-paved  roads/drains constructed in 3916 villages, 18,178        families benefited under IRDP and 40,377 Indira houses  were  constructed.


    *  Rs.338.84  crores spent on these works. A  sum  of  Rs.700 crores is to be spent on 15,000 Ambedkar villages this year. The scheme is benefiting 92  lakh SC/ST families.


    * In every Vidhan Sabha constituency (excluding urban areas) 10 Ambedkar villages selected in 1997-98.  Thus, 4025 villages selected this year.




   * Scholarship amounts admissible to Backward  Caste students doubled. Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj Training Centre inaugurated  in  Lucknow to prepare students of these  classes for  appearing  in  IAS,   PCS,Pre-Medical and Engineering examinations to ensure their participation in administration.


    *  Announcement to include the people of Gorkha origin and  Rai Sikhs in Other Backward Class. 9 new castes included in the Backward Class.


    *  A scheme for vocational training and margin  money loan for economic development of Backward Classes formulated and sent to the Government of India.


    * The statues of the late Karpuri Thakur and Ahilyabai Holkar installed in Aligarh.


                  MINORITIES’ WELFARE


    *  The rate of scholarships doubles. Minority  Status accorded to 88  schools and separate committees  formed for according Minority Status to the Primary  and  Secondary schools.


    *  Shia and Sunni Waqf Boards registered under the new Act and a sum of Rs.35 lakh sanctioned for  clearing pay arrears of their employees.


    * Rs.4.67 crores sanctioned for Haj House at Noida.


    * Computer Literacy Programme being implemented in 50 Madarsas and decision to open ITIs in rural Madarsas.


     *  Coaching centers for PMT, IIT and engineering exams opened in eight districts.


     * 56,000 Waqfs registered for the first time after ten years. The quota of Haj pilgirms raised for 1998.


                 DECISIONS FOR FARMERS


     * 91.2% cane price paid to cane growers by Sept  8,1997.100% cane price for the cane actually purchased  this year has been paid. 40.76 lakh tonnes of sugar produced in the State and 116 sugar mills were allowed to wind up crushing operation only after crushing the entire bonded cane.


     * Three year cane Bonding Policy announced. Payment to cane growers through banks to avoid exploitation  by  middlemen.


     * Potato Purchase Scheme introduced in 26  districts and the rent of potato cold storages was decontrolled.


     *  Many concessions to cold storages. 58 closed  cold storage reopened. Licences issued to 14 new cold  storages. Improvement in storage capacity.


     * Scholarship scheme introduced in Agriculture Universities for talented wards of farmers.


     * Money deposited by farmers in Rural  Cooperative Societies  was  insured and the amount of assistance given by the Mandi Parishad in cases of accidents during agricultural operations raised.


     *  Record crop loan, seeds and fertilizers made available.


     *  Sinchi Bandhu at district and block levels  were reorganized and activated. Decision to instal  three times more tubewells under the your Own Tubewell Scheme.


                                    SOCIAL WELFARE


    *  Women Commission constituted for development  of  women.


    * National Old Age Pension raised by 25% and orders to disburse pension through open camps.


    *  Decision to constitute Legal Services Authority  to provide free legal aid to the weaker sections.


    * Reservation quota of ex-servicemen doubled and the amount of scholarship admissible to disabled  students also doubled. The quota for disabled raised  from 2% to 3%. Country’s  first Institute set up in  Kanpur for imparting technical education to the disabled.






    * Sense of security restored in Industrialists by creating a fear-free atmosphere in the State.


    * Special attention was paid to roads,  communication and power to provide impetus to industrialisation by providing priority to infra-structural facilities. PLF reaches the level of National average.


   * Interest rates stashed by 1% by PICUP and UPFC.  224 proposals of capital investments approved from April to  June 1997 involving investment of Rs.2800.06 crores and employment to 38,230 persons.


   * Concession in power tariff and trade tax to the industries based on fly-ash.


   * Concession in trade tax to industries giving employment to workers belonging to the Dalit, Backward  and  Minority communities.


   * Central Institute of Plastic Engineering and  Technology set-up at Gautam Buddha Nagar.


   * The New Holland Tractor Company starts construction works on its unit.  MOU sign for BMW Car Project.


   * Creation of Gautam Buddha Nagar by taking some parts of Noida, Greater Noida and Ghaziabad districts.




    *  Three-time  increase  in  the tourism  out-lay  as compared to the previous year. Creation of the Agra Heritage Fund with Rs.10 crore. Constitution of  Buddhist  Circuit  Council.


    *  356.86km. roads widened and other facilities made available by spending an amount of Rs.76.67 crores under the Japan aided Buddhist Circuit Scheme.  Works of  Rs.1020.60 crores proposed under the second phase.


    *  Decision to pay 75% subsidy interest on loans  of Rs.10 lakh and more given to self employed and  unemployed youth in the hill areas.


    *  Provision of Rs.17.48 crores for the first in  the  State for water supply, power supply, roads and residential facilities in pilgrimages like Varanasi,   Mathura and Vindhyachal. Foundation of Paryatan Bhawan laid in Lucknow at a cost of Rs.10 crore.




    *  Resolution to create separate Uttaranchal  State passed by the State Legislative Assembly and  sent to the Government of India. Constitution of the   Uttaranchal Sub-Ordinate Services Selection Commission for hill districts. Hill Cadre Rules made applicable to all the departments.


   *  Special allocation mlade to solve foodgrain problem in Uttaranchal. Decision to construct 50km.  long roads, 5 hanging bridges, 5 hospitals, 5 high  schools and 5 intermediate colleges in every Vidhan Sabha constituency.


   *  2 new districts, 6 new tehsils in Garhwal and 1  in Kumaon  created. A  new block created  in  Almore  district. Decision to set up   integrated  Agriculture   Directorate ,separate Directorate for Water Shed Management,  Uttaranchal Tea  Development Corporation, Silk Development Corporation and Wool Board for development of hill areas.


   * An ambitious Eco-Restoration and Development of Hill Projects costing Rs.2200 crore prepared for conservation of environment. The World Bank aided Rs.12.14 crore Forestry Project and Rs.15 crore Swajal Project under implementation.


   *  Outlay  of Rs.677  crore for the annual plan  of  Uttaranchal, provision of Rs.136 crore for SC/ST  Special Component/Tribal  Sub-Plan. Two new districts viz: Bageshwar and Champwat created in Uttaranchal




   *  Plan to provide shelter to one lakh homeless people at a cost of Rs.300 crores by paying a daily  instalment of Rs.5, Rs.10 and Rs.15.


   * No need to get approval on maps for construction and reconstruction of old houses up to 100 sq.mts.   Also, no need for approval of building plan for residential plots  of 300 sq.mts.




   *  3 divisions, 17 districts, 36 tehsils, 4 blocks,  5 special border ranges, 2 special border zones and 2 new ranges created to bring the people closer to the administration.

   *  Awards and Honours instituted in memory of  Social Revolutionaries.


    * Dr.Ambedkar Gaurav Award:  To be given to one person every year furthering the ideology and works of Dr.Ambedkar.


    *  Ahilyabai Holkar Award:  To be given every year  to one  woman  rendering  distinguished service in the  field  of administration and Government.


    * Sant Ravidas Memoreal Award:  To be given every year propagating the thoughts and literature of Sant Ravidas.


    *  Sant Kabir Cultural Unity Award:  To be given every year to the person working for strengthening the feeling  of communal, social and cultural unity.


    *  Maharshi Valmiki Sahitya Award:  To be given to one person every year working in the field of Sanskrit literature, specially poetry.


    *  Virangna  Maharani Lakshmihai Award:  To  be  given every year to the woman showing exemplary courage.


    *  Abantibai  Award:   To be given every year  to  the woman rendering  distinguished  service  in  the  field of Administration and Government.


    *  Savitribai Phule Award:  To be given every year  to the best lady teacher.


    *  Virangna Jhalkaribai Award:  To be given every year to the woman showing exemplary courage.




      To qualify a National Political Party it  requires at least 4% of valid vote in 4 Indian state.  Now the BSP has it in Uttar Pradesh,Madhya  Pradesh,  Punjab and J&K. In Haryana  it secured 3.95%  vote in Andhra Pradesh 3%. In Bengal, Maharastra, Goa, Karnataka,Bihar,TamilNadu,HimachalPradesh,Pondicherry, Kerala and  Gujarat it has formed the state committee.  In  North Eastern and Eastern state many interested people are keen to form  the BSP in their respective states.


    Now as a National Party it will spread  all  over  the country. Kanshi Ram the man single handedly  shattered the Brahminical social order and has formed a National Party within 14 years from the grass root level in a country like India on his own, this may be a world record.


The newly formed central committeeis hereby submit as under :-




  1. President Kanshi Ram              Punjab
  2. Vice President Ms. Mayawati        UP
  3. General Sectary Arvind Netam       MP
  4. ,,           Rampujan Patel                 UP
  5. ,,           Ramvir Singh Biduri         Delhi
  6. Pol.Adviser Ch. Narendra Singh  UP
  7. Tresurer Ambeth Rajan             TN


                                  CEC MEMBERS


  1. Mohan Singh                         Punjab
  2. Raghu Yadav                        Hariyana

                3.Ram Hedao                                             Maharastra

  1. Phul Singh Baria                             MP
  2. Y. Shankar                                     AP
  3. N. Rajangam        TN
  4. Shek. Abdur Rahman        J&K
  5. Mahabali Singh Kuswaha      Bihar
  6. Bhagwat pal                   UP
  7. Prof.B.Krishnappa                 Karnataka




Kanshi  Ram, the president of the BSP, has been attendinga host of conferences broad in recent  years. One such conference was the “international Conference against Discrimination” in Japan from December 2 to 7,1982. The aim ofthe organization  is  to  extend  a  hand  of  friendship   andcooperation to others in their fight against injustice, oppression, exploitation and discrimination. Besides Kanshi Ram, the Japan conference attracted Ravi Jain from England, AlbertLevy(France,Althea   T.L.Simmons(USA) and Jose Ingles (Philippines). The  conference was organized  by  the  Baraku Liberation  League to “Jointly fight against international        discrimination”. Here I mention his Speech delivered by  Kanshi Ram at Discrimination Conference in Japan in 1982.


             TOUR TO ENGLAND


In April 1985 Kanshi Ram attended an  international conference  in London, organized by the Ambedkar Buddhist Council(UK)to “Discuss and determine the true path of salvation for India’s Dalits”.






      Friends, when I was invited for this  international conference, it raised in me the hope of learning a lot from  the Japaness problem and other problems throughout the  world  and other friends  in various countries of the world.  During the six  or seven days of my stay in japan, I feel I have learned a  lot  about both. Today, in exchange, I will speak about problem of discrimination in India, the country I represent and the country where I fight,along with  my other  colleagues,  against discrimination.


     The nature of the problem and the extent of the problem:


     Before  we go into the details of our activities  against discrimination, it is very essential,  especially for the Burakumin of Japan, Japanese society and the Japanese government to understand our problem of discrimination in India, because our        problem can be seen as the mother of the Japanese problem which I have seen during my stay here.  Before relating our activities to combat the  problem  of discrimination, I would like to  mention two things  in particular. First, the nature of the problem, and  second, the extent of the problem.


    Our problem of discrimination in India is the end product of Hindu religion, which is based on Brahmanism. This religion,unlike other religions of the world, divides humanity vertically. This  Hindu religion can be termed to have divided our society on  the bases of “graded degradation.”It degrades people:   it degrades humanity. Through its four varnas, it is a caste system the number one position is given to Brahmans:number two to the Kshatrias (aristocrats);   three,to the Vaishyas (commoners). These three  varnas can be construed to be the beneficiaries of the  system  prevailing in India.  But all three of these  varnas put together are just ten to fifteen percent of  India’s total population. The fourth varna, which is the largest varna, is the one of the Shudras.


    This fourth varna,which has been degraded, contains a system of graded degradation-it has been further divided into more than  four thousand castes.  It has been further divided because if eighty five to ninety percent of the people remain united- if the victims of the system remain united- they are likely to overthrow the system. Therefore this mechanism was so designed that it divided this fourth varna,the victims of  the system, into  four  thousand  castes;  four thousand watertight compartments. In addition,a sense of pollution-or as we  may more accurately  term it, the “nonsense of pollution”-has been introduced  into the system. This sense of pollution has caused        segregation, the type of segregation I have seen in Japan when I got the chance to visit the Buraku of Japan.


    Coming to the issue of the extent of the problem, it is a massive problem. It is not like the small problem of Japan,in that in Japan, perhaps  about two percent of the people of Japanese society are the victims of the system. In India, eighty  five  to  ninety percent of the people are the  victims  of  the system. Those who are degraded by the system, those who are the discriminated  against, those who are the segregated people,are more than six hundred million out of seven hundred million people of India. You can understand the extent and the magnitude of the        problem. Fortunately for us,in the modern world,  these four thousand castes today are now reduced into three groups.


    Previously, the  four  thousand castes  could  not  come together and overthrow the system, but today these four thousand castes are reduced into three groupings. Grouping number one known as the Scheduled Castes,grouping number two is known as the Scheduled  tribes and grouping number three is known as the other backward Castes. All these three  groups  put together  number about six hundred million people in India. This grouping system is  not my own invention; it is recognized by society and it is recognized  by the government. Accordingly, the government has appointed  three commissions for these three grouping  to eliminate discrimination.The government,just like your government here in Japan, is making efforts, or is supposed to make efforts, to eliminate discrimination.


    This has made our job a bit easier,but even when considering only the worst sufferers, or those who  suffer the most from this  system,  we find they are quite numerous. The Scheduled Caste,the Scheduled  Tribes who  suffer  the  most  severely,  number  some one hundred and eight million  people  in India- roughly double the entire population of Japan. Understanding both the nature and extent of this  problem,one would wonder why so many people have suffered  for  so  long.  Eighty-five percent of the people in a huge country have suffered for more than three thousand years under this system.  Why?


    There are two reasons. The first is the religion; the second, the penalties  and punishments imposed by the religion; the harsh punishments based on the religious law. This religion subjugated eighty-five  percent of the people of India for  more than three  thousand years. First,it denied education to them. They had no right to education. If they merely  listened to teachings,the punishment for the offence was that molten lead would be poured into their ears. That was the minimum punishment. If they recited any teaching or learning, then their tongue would be cut out. That was the minimum  punishment  for getting educated. Today, we are talking a lot about education, but this was our fate in the past regarding education.  So that means these  victims  of the system were kept ignorant. Besides that, they were not allowed to take up arms, so they couldn’t fight. They were the plowmen of India, but they could not  beat their plowshares  into  swords. If they dared do it, then  the minimum penalty was death. The third method of oppression  was        that they had no right to property. Today, we are planning many economic measures,the eighty five percent of the people had no right to property.  Without the right to property, the remained a rootless people for centuries on end.


    These religion not only created the rules,laws and harsh punishments,but in addition, the ignorant people were fed  for centuries  on the idea of kharma-because they had done  something wrong in  the  past in their last life,they are being penalized for their wrong in the past by their suffering in the  present. If they dare to oppose their present sufferings, their  misery will continue  in  perpetuity, so they dare not rebel.  That was another religious sanction. Besides being the victims of human beings, we were also the victims of God and the soul. God and soul were the major weapons of the oppressors of India.




     I have tried to explain to you the system, or  the discrimination and its nature and extent. In talking about the fight against this system, we’ll begin with the past,starting with the nineteenth century, Jyotiba Phule, from Poona, in the western  part of India, realized in 1848 that a great injustice was  being done to the great majority of the people.  After  that  realization, he went for education.  That was the British period: he went for Western education.  That young man came  under  the impact  of  Western civilization,culture and education,and he started  educating his brethern,that being the British period  at that  time  India  was a colony of the British the  caste Hindus could not enforce religious sanctions.  They could not penalize him; his tongue was not cut out, molten lead was not poured into his ears. At that time,we learned about the rule of law, which rules  the world today. After his realization, after his education,he started educating his people. He  started   organizing his people against discrimination. He   started organizing for the first time the discriminated against people against the discriminators. His struggle continued until his death  in 1890. After that realization dawned on the people throughout India, we saw new developments all over the country in the twentieth century. In the twentieth century,the greatest struggle was that of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. We are rightly proud of him, and we can safely say that he delivered the results which we  see in India today. He cut our bonds, and  he  secured  both recognition and rights for us specifically from 1932 to 1935,when the second constitution of India was being prepared by the British Parliament. And after   that he fought against Untouchability there was real Untouchability at the time in India and in the modern constitution of India,for which he was  the  chairman   of the drafting committee,Dr.Ambedkar,the Untouchable-th ex-Untouchable-secured the abolition of     Untouchability. Untouchability  was abolished on  26th  January 1950. After that, to secure further, durable changes,he taught revolt against the oppressive features of the religion and he converted to Buddhism not the Japanese type of Buddhism,which is based on Karma,but Indian style of Buddhism, which is based  on        equality. He converted to Buddhism and built many  institutions which paved the way for the present struggle.




     To tell you something about our present struggle.  I must tell you what kind of struggle we waging in India today. It is based on keeping in mind the handicaps we have suffered, the handicaps of the system,I have just explained to you. We have developed  a  system based on Dr.Ambedkar’s teachings:   educate, organize  agitate, Educate, organize, agitate because we suffered through our  ignorance, we have taken many measures to educate ourselves to remove our ignorance.  The situation has improved tremendously. Today we have ten million children going to elementary school, more than one million going to high school,and half  a  million going to college from  only  the  Scheduled  Castes and Scheduled Tribes,the most oppressed people,  the people most exploited by the system. Now next, after educating ourselves, we have decided to organize  ourselves, because organization give us strength.  After organizing ourselves,we have decided to agitate.  In fact,we have already launched agitation in India from 24 September 1982, and we have decided to make  it an unceasing struggle until we have a proportionate hand in the governance of the land.


    Going  further, we have seen that because of the  massive presence or massive nature of the problem, the government must be forced to enact all its modern laws. All the modern laws today there is no dearth of rules regulations and laws in India. Not only that,  but there is no dearth of plans, projects and budgets either. But they lack implementation. Whatever  the  United Nations says, whatever the international pressure says, whatever national  pressure  says  it is easily adopted in India, but it lacks implementation. So during  the   present  phase  of  our  struggle,we are exerting  great efforts  to  get  the rules, regulations and laws,the plans  projects   and budgets, implemented. For that purpose, we have built the organization  known as  BAMCEF  (Backward  and Minority Communities Employees federation), which  I am representing  today. Basically,the purpose of  BAMCEF is fighting to get these things implemented, and strengthening the non-political roots of our oppressed and exploited society, which is the majority society of India. To achieve this target, and for the sake of posterity,we have decided to build institutions. BAMCEF is the first institution, which is targeted at getting things implemented and strengthening the non political roots of the exploited and oppressed society. Towards that goal, BAMCEF was born on 6th December 1978. The organization is hardly four years old, but it has done wonders in India and it has brought me here another wonder.


     After three years of non political struggle, non  agitational struggle,  we  decided  to  launch  an   agitational organization, so on 6 December 1981 D-S4 was inaugurated. D-S4 is an English abbreviation  of  the Hindi name:Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti it is an organization for agitation for the oppressed and  exploited people of India, the oppressed majority of India.


    We have just started our first research institute, known as the Buddhist Research Center. We feel that  for durable results,we must go for cultural change and cultural control. We have been the victims of a culture based on inequality. We are seeking  a culture based on equality, and we want to control that culture. Not only change it, but the oppressed people,  the sufferers, must have control over it, if it is  to  be really effective.


    Now, finally,we are marching toward another goal: starting our own political party.Today there are seven national political parties in India. All belong to the oppressors. Today the rules of India belong to that ten to fifteen percent of the population that  benefit  from the system. And the remaining eighty five percent  of the people have no political  party of their own.   Dr.Ambedkar started one during his life time;        unfortunately, it  has  failed. Now we are  rebuilding  our  own political  party, and we intend to launch it on 6 December  1983,one year from now.




    Today, our problem is not  only   fight   against discrimination. The  most important factor to remember is that our fight is  to  have  a major hand in the  governance of the country. We are the majority, we are eighty five percent of the people, and  we must have a proportionate hand in the  governance of the country.






   I congratulate you for organising this  Convention  to acquire a new vision towards a ‘casteless society.’


   I am sorry, I could not prepare my paper to be read  on this occasion due to my preoccupation with the party work.


     Annihilation  of  Caste:   In the  year  1936,  Babasaheb Ambedkar  was  asked to present a paper on ‘caste’by the Jatpat Todak Mandal at Lahore of Punjab.  But Babasaheb was not allowed to read his  paper.  However,that paper was later published as a book under the title “Annihilation of Caste”. After reading this book, I too started thinking that ‘caste’ could be  annihilated. But after studying the caste behaviour and after looking at our social structure. I started thinking differently. I studied’caste’ not from books, but from life. People who come from their villages to cities like Delhi, carry nothing with them. But they  carry their ‘caste’ with them. They leave back  their little property,  small  lands  and their huts in  the  villages. They leave behind everything in their village. But they will carry ‘caste’ and nothing other than ‘caste’. When ‘caste’ is so much dearer  to  the  people,how can we annihilate caste? I stopped thinking about ‘caste’ annihilation.’


     You  have  organized  this Convention to move  towards a ‘casteless society’. I am also for  ‘casteless society.’ But ‘caste’ cannot be wished away,. It is not possible to eliminate ‘caste’.  So what to do?


       “Caste’ is created with a purpose: “Caste’ is  not created without a purpose. And that purpose still remains. So long that purpose remains,’caste’ too remains. You do not find Brahmins and other upper castes holding conference like this for ‘casteless  society’. Because, they are the one who created this        ‘caste’and  they  stand  to gain by this ‘caste’. They  are  the beneficiaries of ‘caste’.  So long they stand to gain by ‘caste’, why should they destroy it? These conferences for ‘casteless society’ can only be organised by us. Because we are the victims of ‘caste’.


       We ourselves may not be the victims of ‘caste’.  But we are born among those who are victims of’caste’.  Hence, we need to eliminate the ‘caste’. But even to eliminate’caste’, you must take note of the ‘caste’.  You cannot ignore ‘caste’.


       We  may have the desire to create a ‘casteless  society’. But it is not possible to happen in the near future. Till such time what we should do? What I decided to do is,till ‘casteless society’ is  created, let me handle the ‘caste’. When Brahmins could use  the ‘caste’ for their benefit, why not I could use  it  for our benefit?


       Double-edged sword: Caste is a two-edged sword.  It cuts both the ways. It cuts this way, when you use this way (swings his hand  right side) and it can also cut the other way when you use it in opposite  direction (swings his hand left side).I decided to  handle  the  caste  to our benefit  and  deprive  the Brahmins of its benefits.


      Babasaheb Ambedkar secured political power to  Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes with the help of ‘caste’. By using’caste’. He secured separate electorates for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled  Tribes in the Round Table Conference in 1931-1932. But Gandhiji went on fast unto death against this separate        electorates  and  consequently. Scheduled Castes  and  Scheduled Tribes were granted joint electorates.


       Separate  electorate: Many people ask me “Why  not you struggle for separate electorates for which Babasaheb Ambedkar fought?” I have not wasted even a single minute on this separate electorate. When it  was not possible for Babasaheb Ambedkar during British  rule. How it will be possible for me, now, when        casteists are ruling? It is impossible.


        Experts on ‘caste’: Babasaheb Ambedkar had  prepared Scheduled  Castes  and  Scheduled Tribes to handle the’caste’. That is how  they  could  get  many benefits from the British. Eversince,the exit of British,only three persons have become experts in handling the ‘caste’. The first person was Jawaharlal Nehru. The second one was Indira Gandhi,and third  person is Kanshi Ram.  (Cheers).


         Nehru handled the’caste’ so well that Babasaheb became helpless. He was an expert in handling the’caste’ and retain the Brahminical  Social  Order. Mrs.Indira Gandhi was also an expert in  handling the ‘caste’ to the benefit of Brahminical Social Order. Now,if you ask the Congress people in Delhi,”Are you benefited by the’caste’to his benefit. “(laughter).


        If you can prevent Brahmins taking benefits of  ‘caste’, they will think twice to use the sword of ‘caste’ against us. I have learnt the art of using the sword of ‘caste’ to our benefit.”Caste’, which may appear as a problem, may become an asset if we handle it properly. Problems of today may be opportunities  of  tomorrow. They can be assets in future.


       Distress migration: We must learn lessons  from  the history. We must start the movement Where  Babasaheb Ambedkar left it. In 1932,Babasaheb   Ambedkar demanded separate electorates  for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. After 10 years, in  1942, he demanded separate settlements. He wanted to        make these people independent of the Hindus. What is  the position? We have forty five lakh hectares of  land  under cultivation. Our  people till the land and produce food crops. But they do not own that land in which they  work. They are leaving the villages in distress and come to cities in search of food and shelter. This distress migration has produced more than ten crore refugees in towns in the last ten years. Ten years ago,the urban population was 5 crores and today it is 16 crores. They live in slums and on streets. Who should think about these refugees? Rural Ministry and Urban Ministry of Government of India must find the answer. The Indian Government plans for everybody except these people.  There is no mention about these refugees in our budgets. There is a separate department to plan, allocate budget and  make  settlements for the refugees  of Pakistan, refugees of Tibet, refugees of Jammu and Kashmir,  and so on.  But  nobody  thought  about these  refugees  of  distress migration.


      Since  people  carry  their ‘castes’  to  cities  leaving behind everything  else in their villages, my job has become very easy. These ten crore refugees are a problem to the rulers. But they are  our  assets.   We will use ‘caste’ to liberate these people. We are  going to launch a movement called “Bharatiya        Sharanarthi Andolan” immediately after the November election for Delhi, Madhya  Pradesh  and  Rajasthan. I will not sit idle in anticipation of ‘caste’to vanish.  I will handle the ‘caste’ till it remains.


       Games people play: Now, let me tell you my experience of handling ‘caste’. What I am doing today is, I am rousing the victims of’caste’. I am rousing the victims of ‘caste’ to strive for Babasaheb  Ambedkar’s movement. I am preparing my people-the  victims of caste-to handle the double-edged sword  of ‘caste’ to their benefit. Today everybody is afraid  of  my handling of ‘caste’ factor. Everybody is trying to stop the Kanshi Ram phenomenon. Rajiv Gandhi tried,  V.P.Singh tried,Narasimha Rao tried and BJP is trying. They play their game and I am trying my  game. (claps)



      BSP should be recognized all over India: The beneficiaries of ‘caste’ have created it with the  purpose of ruling over others and they have retained it to perpetuate their rule. Creation is more  difficult than  retention. Once you create it,there is no problem in retaining it. It will  simply go on.                                                          


      If you want to destroy ‘caste’, you have to stop the beneficiaries taking advantage of it. So long the beneficiaries are allowed to use ‘caste’, victims are continued to suffer. If you want to put an end to it, you must learn to handle the’caste’, to your benefit.  You should not allow the  Brahminical Social Order  to  take the benefits of’caste’. You should not ignore ‘caste’, but you should take note of it. Today with  the successful handling of caste. Bahujan Samaj Party  (BSP) has become the fourth national party in India.  There are seventy recognized parties and we are ahead of sixty seven parties. Only Congress, BJP and CPI(M) are ahead of us. When we started in 1984,other  parties said that ours would be a Uttar Pradesh party.  But today, BSP is not limited to UP alone. Now the upper castes have become unhappy…And I am also unhappy. They are unhappy because BSP is spreading to other states too. And I am unhappy because BSP has not spread to all lthe states. I want BSP to become  recognized  party  in  all the  states  of  India,  including Maharashtra.                                          


     Dependents in independent India: In 1997,the Brahminical Social Order planned to celebrate the golden jubilee of independence. We too planned to celebrate. But we have nothing to celebrate. It is independence for them. But it is dependence for us.  We are dependent in independent India. Even after 50  years, our people still work on others lands. They do not have their own land. Why did these ten crore people leave their villages? Because they have no  independence in their villages. When we crated BSP, Scheduled Castes,Scheduled Tribes and backward  Castes were not independent. They were running to   different   parties  for tickets. Parties are nothing but tickets-printing machines. We thought, why not we have our  own machine.  And hence we create BSP on April 14, 1984.            


        No more platform tickets:  During the assembly  election of March  1985 in UP, we gave tickets to 237 candidates. I told our candidates, “Our tickets are only platform tickets and hence you cannot reach Lucknow with these tickets.” There was no demand for our tickets, then. But today there is a big demand.   Every BSP candidate secures more than one lakh votes.  Today ours  are not platform  tickets. Our tickets can take you to Lucknow  and also to Delhi. Why there is such a demand for our party tickets?


     Congress  made BSP popular: In 1983,Congress party  had  won 410 out of 425 assembly seats in UP.  In 1985,it could  get only 265  out  of 425. It lost  145 seats  because  of  BSP. Frustrated  by this loss, they started calling BSP as a party of Chamars. This propaganda of Congress had really helped us. Our party became very popular among Chamars. In 1985 elections,  we secured 2% of votes. In 1989, our percentage of votes went upto 9% and in 1991, 11%, In 1993, it was 20.6%. In 1996, election we got 29% of votes. We did not ignore ‘caste’. We took note of it and learnt to  handle it. Today, ‘caste’, has no effect for Congress.   For us, it has a growing effect. Victims should not wish away caste. They should learn to handle it.               


     Lessons of Maharashtra: We have people from Maharashtra here. I learnt many things from them.  Half of the lessons of the movement, I learnt from Babasaheb Ambedkar and the other half learnt from  Mahars of Maharashtra. From Babasaheb Ambedkar, I learnt how  to run the movement. From the Maharashtra Mahara, I learnt how  not to run the movement. It is not just important to learn how  to run  the movement.  It is also very  important to learn how not to run the movement. Because, unless you know how not run the movement, you will not know how to run the movement. 


     Mahars did not handle the ‘caste’ properly. They  said that they were Buddhists and no more Maharas. At the same time, they fought for reservation as Mahars!  They demanded reservation as Mahars! Even in Buddhism, you are Mahars!  You dragged in the bad breath of  ‘caste’ to Buddhism also. ‘Caste’ is the bad breath of Hinduism, but it polluted the whole world.            


       A Century of reservation: Chatrapathi Shahuji  Maharaj provided the educational facilities and gave  reservation to Scheduled Castes in his government on July 26,1902. On July 26,2002, we will  be  completing  a century of reservation. One hundred years should be  sufficient. Now,it is my duty to prepare my people  not to get the reservation but to grant reservation.  How to grant reservation? It is easy to understand  but difficult to practice.                                      


      Who can grant reservation? Only rulers can  grant reservation. Even to grant your own people-to give from right hand to left hand, you must become rulers. Therefore,we must prepare ourselves to become  rulers. We should become rulers…This is the only solution.                             


      How can the victims become rulers?                      


      What is important?: I have not seen Babasaheb Ambedkar when he was  alive  nor have I heard him. I  learnt Ambedkarism only through  Maharashtra  leaders.  Mr.Baji Rao Kamble, who is sitting before me here with blue cap, is also one among those who taught me  Ambedkarism. When Maharashtra leaders ran after        Congress Party tickets, I had heated arguments with them. They said,”If we stick to Ambedkarism, we cannot become MLAs”. Is it important to run the movement or to become MLAs? Which is more important? I thought movement was more important and I decided to run the movement.  It also came to my mind that we should also        become MLAs to run the movement. But which party will give us such MLAs who can run the movement? Such MLAs can  be  produce only by our  own  party. Then, I left  Bombay and landed in Lucknow.                                                        


      Castes that supported Babasaheb: I gave a deep  thought to’caste factor’. I looked at the castes  which supported Babasaheb Ambedkar. His  movement  was   led by Mahars in Maharashtra. Paraiahs in Tamil Nadu, Malas in Andhra Pradesh, Jatavas in uttar Pradesh, and Chandals in West Bengal. Babasaheb could not get  elected in 1952 and in 1954. Hence’,naturally, his followers thought. “When Babasaheb Ambedkar himself  could not get elected, how can we get elected?”                        


      Again I thought over the electoral victory of Babasaheb. In 1946, Babasaheb got elected in Jaisur and Khulna Constituency of Bengal. How? Chandals of Bengal had 52% of votes. They thought it was better to sent Babasaheb than anybody else to the Constituent  Assembly. Babasaheb got elected because of more votes.  Mahars, Paraihs, Malas, Jatavas etc., were not in big        number. Hence, they could not succeed. They were leaving  the  movement.                                                 



       Babasaheb Ambedkar fought for all the victims of ‘caste’. But are Mahars, Paraiahs, Malas etc.,the victims  of  ‘caste’? Are these the only castes which are victimized by the Brahminical Social Order? No, they are not the only victims of ‘caste’.    


       6000 victimized castes: There are about 1,500 Scheduled Castes and 1,000 Scheduled  Tribes and 3,743 Backward Castes,according to Mandal Commission Report.  There are more than 6,000 castes which are victimised by the Brahminical Social Order. Why they should  not struggle together against caste system? If they are separated,  they are minorities. Some may be more in  number and others may be less in number. If we add them all, they are a big majority. They form more than 85% of the Indian population. In Hindi,we call majority as “Bahujan”.                        


       Brotherhood among Bahujan Samaj: When Bahujan  Samaj party was  started, there was no Bahujan Samaj in India. Bahujan Samaj party can succeed only when Bahujan Samaj is created. Hence, we  started  creating  Bahujan Samaj party  by  developing brotherhood among  the 6,000 victimized castes. In the last 15 years-that  too in the last 5 years-we could bring together 600  castes, i.e., 10% of the total number of castes.                


       With 600 castes welded together,we are the  fourth National Party today. If we weld together another 400 castes and make it 1,000 castes,BSP becomes number one party of India. 


       I do not like  speaking, though I keep on speaking, I do not want to speak. I want my works to speak..my results must speak. I tell my friend who not agree with me.”I may be wrong. But look at the results of my work. What do you say about it?”          


       Welding of all the castes was difficult. The welder was criticized and advised not to attempt it.  But when the welder started his operation, nothing could stop him. He could weld very well if he could weld 600 castes,why can’t he weld many more castes?                                                    


       By welding together all the castes,we can win  the  political power and become the rulers.                          


       Capture Master Key: Babasaheb Ambedkar said, “Political Power is the master key.”Yes,it is a master key by which you can open all the doors of progress.                             


       In Maharashtra,you had agitated for over twenty  five years to rename the Marathwada University as ‘Babasaheb Ambedkar University’,You could not succeed because you were not the rulers to rename the University. You did not have the master key  in your hand. In 1989, Late Rajiv Gandhi came to  Lucknow  and        laid the foundation for Dr.Ambedkar University. When   his Congress Party was refusing to rename the Marathwada University after Babasaheb in  Maharashtra,  the same party  was  laying foundation in Lucknow for Dr.Ambedkar University. People of U.P. never demanded  it. It was the Maharashtra  people  who  were  demanding it. Why did the Congress people want  Dr.Ambedkar University in U.P.? Because, the people of U.P.were demanding the master key. Hence the rulers wanted to hide the master key behind the University!  (laughter)                              


       By acquiring master key in U.P.,we started  many Universities,not just one University, for which  Maharashtra people were agitating for years. In 1994, we laid foundation for Shahu Maharaj university in Kanpur. In 1996, we opened Mahatma Phule University and Dr.Ambedkar University. And we acquired 200 acres of land for Gautam Buddha University. We created seventeen new districts of which the last one Buddha Nagar, which is  near  Delhi.                                                          


       You can acquire the master key of political power by properly handling the ‘caste’.                                   


       Dalithing, a refined form of begging: Till now, I spoke about’caste’.Now I want to speak about Dalits. I rarely go out of India. My followers were expecting that I would not participate in this Convention.  Because I am perturbed by the Dalits. I am perturbed by their weaknesses. Their biggest weakness is dalithing. It has become a profession. Dalithing is a refined  form of begging. Dalits and beggars go hand in hand. Beggars cannot become rulers. So also the Dalits. Direction of their begging hand must be changed,then this (turns his hand downward). If you do not become rulers, our problems, are going to remain  forever. But how can you become rulers being  Dalits,         meaning beggars? You should cease to become Dalits.  You should become rulers to get rid of all your problems.  That is the only solution.                                                       


       Brahminism Kills all’isms’: Our intellectuals  think that he solution lies in marxism, communism, socialism etc. In a country where brahminism is  existing, no ‘ism’ can succeed. Because no ‘ism’ has taken note of ‘caste’. Therefore the  duty of the intellectuals-it is my duty too-is to take note of  the Brahminism and create our own ‘ism’. They talk so  much about unemployment…about the one crore unemployed Brahmins. But why don’t they talk about those ten crore refugees, who are illiterate and unskilled. No party thinks about those ten crore  people. They are our people and hence only our party can think about them… Only our party can solve their problems. And we can solve every problem of our people by becoming the rulers of India.                                                          


       We have become the fourth national party by  welding together 600 castes and by welding 1,000 castes, we will become the rulers  of India. Within three years, we will be the  rulers of India.                                                        


       Kanshi Ram phenomenon: I am not thrusting my ideas on others. I only narrated my experience. It is for you to benefit from my experience.                                            


       You can create a casteless society by becoming  rulers.This is my solution. Why should the  beneficiaries of caste destroy the ‘caste’ system?   Victims of caste  alone  have  to destroy the  ‘caste’  system.This can be done only by becoming  rulers.  Rulers alone can destroy the caste system.             


      You may think that I am asking for the impossible.  But I  have always  been  asking for the impossible and I am getting  it too.  This  is  Kanshi Ram phenomenon.  Kanshi Ram phenomenon  is  becoming the national phenomenon.                               


      Have the right thinking to go further and a new vision to create a casteless society.  My solution is that you can create a  casteless  society by becoming rulers. Rulers alone can create a   new society.    Jaibhim, Jaibharath.                                             


     “What makes one interest dominant over another is power.That being so, power is needed to destroy power” Babasaheb Ambedkar.          

                BSP supremo Mayawati in UP decided that it was willing to be humiliated and kicked around by for the sake of real politics. The forthcoming Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh in particular were so very important for BJP  locked in a direct battle with the Congress that it had worked out a “strategy” with the BSP to cut into the Congress votes. The “strategy” — a five-year record has shown that the BJP’s strategy usually revolves around the obvious — was that the BSP would field candidates in all Dalit-dominated areas to reduce the Congress chances in these constituencies and favour the BJP.  Though a foolish strategy.

Therefore, every CM Mayawati manoeuvre was forgiven and forgotten with the agitated BJP leaders in UP under instructions to eat humble pie without making a fuss. The BJP is being decimated, our vote bank is deserting us, she will eat us up, were all cries that went unheard at the Centre with Vajpayee and Advani occasionally meeting the BJP legislators and convenced them. CM Mayawati, of course, was riding high and went about the state attacking the “manuvadi forces,” throwing out BJP-disposed administrators, and consolidating her support base. Until finally, she decided she had had enough and that the BJP, by merely allowing the CBI to question one of her ministers on the Taj Corridor controversy, had acted out of line. She decided to quit, with the BJP spending the weekend in a huddle in Delhi to again think out a “pre-emptive strategy.”

The first step was to send a BJP leader to UP governor and former RSS pracharak Vishnu Kant Shastri to urge him to hold his horses, and not accept Mayawati’s recommendation to dissolve the Assembly as and when it came. This was perhaps the only point of the strategy that worked, for after this one step the BJP dissolved into complete confusion. It was decided at one stage to insist on President’s Rule as the only acceptable course of action. It was felt by the fairly powerful advocates of this move, that Mulayam Singh could not be trusted, that he would at the final instance remain as a caretaker chief minister and in charge of the administrative machinery at the time of a crucial election, and that it was best to regain control over UP at this particular point in time.

This sounded good, until it was realised that the BJP would not be able to determine the timing of the election without keeping the Assembly in suspended animation. If this was done, then the advantage would flow to Mulayam Singh Yadav who would be left as the only leader in UP with the ability to form an alternative government, partly through the support of the four parties who are with him today, and substantially by engineering defections in both the BJP and the BSP by promising them lucre, berths in the ministry and above all an election only at the expiry of the five-year term. So President’s Rule and an Assembly in suspended animation would open the possibility of a Mulayam government at Lucknow with a severely truncated BJP in the Opposition.

 For instance, the BJP is hopeful that Mulayam Singh will not split its party in UP. Assertions to this effect range between a whispered, there is a deal kind of campaign, “we know he will not” to a more threatening, aggressive Naqvi-like assertion, “he better not if he knows what’s good for him.” The BJP is also optimistic that Mulayam Singh will not go heavy on the Ayodhya cases with one section claiming “a deal” and another pointing out, with underlying apprehension, that if he does it will help BJP polarise Hindu sentiment and gain in the long run. All assumptions born out of a desperate hope that Mulayam Singh will act true to form, and deliver UP to the BJP.

Behind Ms Mayawati’s apparent bravado and rank filibuster lies a very shrewd political mind. Ms Mayawati is strongly aware of her chief strength, a solid vote bank. She also knows that in a ricketly ruling coalition she led in uttar Pradesh. The BJP needed her much more then she did that party. She also knows that issues such as the Taj Corridor controversy are unlikely to affect her individual mass base. Only sections of the urban middle class are incensed when such aesthetic and commercially-oriented outrages take place. Ms Mayawati’s politics is premised on a totally different and distinct support-base altogether. There are two immediate aspects that must be kept in mind while interpreting the latest developments in Lucknow.    One     Ms Mayawati’ from the   moment go  as were       

Completely pigeonholed the state level leadership of the BJP and dealt directly with Messrs  Atal Behari Vajpayee and L.K.Advani. Secondly, the BSP leader is also shrewdly aware that even when the SP may have appeared as the single-largest party in the last UP assembly, neither Mr.Mulayam Singh Yadav nor his rather weak allies in the Congress are in any real position to confidently face the electorate. A state level leader of the BJP has claimed that the weekend’s drama has highlighted the importance of the saffron party. Nothing can be a more representative example of wishful thinking than that assertion. The BJP thought that it would be able to use the Ayodhya issue once again to author a political comeback but because of a series of deft moves and also some objective developments that have taken place, the BJP game plan has not quite worked the way it wanted. The BJP  is currently deeply embroiled in strategizing an effective electoral response to the Congress in four of the five states due. Those who have followed the BSP’s political rise over the last two decades would have been   surprised by the latest developments in India’s most populous state                      



    Today  Bahujan  Samaj Party is a force to be  reckoned with in the  Indian  politics. Initially the critics of BSP termed it as a temporary phenomenon.  But in the changed scenario even critics are at the forefront to admit that the BSP has come to stay not only in the Indian politics but in the social life of India also. Day by day it is the rise and rise of the  Bahujan Samaj Party. Since the  day  of  its inception  BSP has not only stood the test of ballot box, but has proved its ability by forming the Government in the state of Uttar  Pradesh,  the  land of Rishis and  Munis. y such historical and uniquique performance of BSP, under the leadership of Kanshi Ram,it has proved that Mahatma Jotiba Phule’s,Rajarshi Shahuji Maharaj’s, Periyar Ramaswamy’s  and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar’s   philosophy is capable to defeat the Brahminical philosophy and its forces by democratic means. To be precise following few facts are sufficient to know the rise  and rise of the BSP.


   (1)  The Bahujan Samaj Party made its electoral debut in the December 1984 parliamentary election, soon after the formation of party on the 14th April in 1984, BSP won no seat but polled 0,05,684 votes. This electoral debut performance was extra  ordinary and shocking to the beneficiaries of the Brahminical social order.


   (2)  In the year 1985,the BSP fielded 207 candidates in the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh.  As a result of the BSP’s presence 45 Lok Dal and 6 Janata party candidates won in U.P. BSP polled 7 lakhs votess.


     (3) In the year 1985,in the Punjab Assembly elections the BSP participated with gusto, and captured 2,64,630 votes, mostly taken  away  from  the Congress, which resulted into victory for over 30 Akali candidates. In the same year in the Lok-Sabha elections BSP captured 2.15 lakh votes.


    (4)  In December 1985, the Bijnore by election to  the lok  Sabha,  Congress polled about 1,22,000 votes,  opposition 1,18,000, but BSP candidate Advocate Miss.  Mayawati secured  61,500 votes. As a result of which congress candidate Meera Kumar, he daughter of Jagjivan Ram could only scrape through with  5000 votes. In 1984in Bijnore Lok Sabha, Mayawati was   pooled merely 6500 votes.


    (5)  In the year 1987, in the Hardwar (U.P.) by election BSP gave the impressing performance. In this election  Congress  candidate  won a  seat  securing  1,49,335 votes,  but  BSP  candidate Miss. Mayawati came  second  with 1,35,399 votes. The deposit losers included Lok Dal with 39,780  votes, the Janata Party candidate Mr.Ramvilas Paswan with 34,225 votes and BJP with only 4578 votes.


    (6) The turning point came in the electoral  politics of India with the by election to the  Allahabad Lok Sabha Constituency in U.P., held on 16th  June 1988. In this election Congress candidate Mr.Sunil Shastri was backed by Congress(I)’s money  power,muscle power and governmental machinery.   Mr.V.P.Singh, Jan Morcha candidate was backed  by 23  parties  and several other organisations, including CPI  &  CPM.


    The Chief Minister from Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh,West Bengal and Haryana canvassed and extended full support to Mr.V.P.Singh. The press Industry barrons put their services at the disposal of Mr.V.P.Singh.The BSP candidate Mr.Kanshi Ram contested  the election with the backing of Bahujan Samaj. Kanshi Ram launched his election campaign by branding the Congress(I) and Jan Morcha as “two sides of fake coin”. On May 27 at the historic P.D.Tandon Park, Kanshi Ram addressed a big rally to which even Sunil Shastri stopped to listen.Minister, Mr.S.P.Shastri was seen scribbling notes when  Kanshi Ram was addressing.  Despite money, muscle and media power by Congress and Jan Morcha, Mr.V.P.Singh polled with 2,03,000 votes  and Congress with 90,000. Kanshi Ram Founder President of BSP and candidate stunned both Mr.Sunil Shatri and  Mr.V.P.Singh by capturing 71,586 votes.By this election, Kanshi Ram proved that, neither the Congress nor the opposition enjoy permanent monopoly over the votes of Bahujan Samaj.


    (7)  In  the year 1988-89, in the Municipan  and  Gram Panchayat elections in U.P., BSP captured 188  Municipalities against 54 by the BJP, 45 by the congress,14 by the Janata Dal and 3 by the communists. The BSP also captured 24000 Gram Panchayats as against 24,700 by the Congress.


    (8)  In the year 1989 Lok Sabha for the first time  3 members of Parliament were elected by the BSP. Two from Uttar Pradesh i.e. Bijnore and Azamgarh and one from Punjab. The voting percentage in Punjab was 8.81.


    (9) In the year 1990, Assembly polls the BSP woned 14 MLAs  in U.P., in which 6 were Muslims, 5 Scheduled Castes and 3 OBC’s.In Madhya Pradesh, BSP won 2 seats.


    (10)In the year 1992 Assembly Election in Punjab,  despite  the  governmental terrorism, the BSP gave fantastic performance. Though governmental machinery, terrorised  and killed  BSP  activists and forced the people not to vote, the BSP captured 9 Assembly seats and stood second on 36 seats.In several constituencies there were straight fight in between congress and BSP.


    (11) In the year 1989 Assembly Election the BSP  got recognition in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab and registration in Madhya Pradesh, Dadra, Nagar, haveli and in some other states.


   (12) In the year 1991 Assembly Election polls in Uttar Pradesh  despite  Ram  Lahar, BSP maintained its tally to 12 seats out of 300 seat contested. But there were 137 seats where BSP stood in second or third.  There maximum margin  defeat was 4700 and minimum 9 votes. One M.L.A. was also elected in the Haryana Assembly.


   (13) In November, 1992, Manyavar Kanshi Ram contested the Lok Sabha  election  from Etawah, (U.P)a  general constituency, and  despite the hectic efforts of the BJP to defeat him,won the seat by a comfortable margin of 19,000 votes.


  (14)  In the year 1992 Lok Sabha Election BSP  successfully won two seats,one from Punjab (Phirozpur) and another from Madhya Pradesh (Rewa).


    (15) In the year 1993 Assembly polls held  in  Uttar Pradesh,  for the first time BSP-leader Kanshi Ram forged an alliance with Samajwadi Party leader Mr.  Mulayam Singh Yadav. This formidable  combine, despite the odds of JD and Muslim Maulavis delivered seemingly knockout blow to the other status quo parties. SP-BSP  combine with 176 MLAs(109+67) and forced support of congress and JD,formed the ministry in the history of India where in Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Bania’s are        represented by one minister each.


           M.P.ASSEMBLY ELECTION – 1993


    (1) In M.P. out of 320 seats. Bahujan Samaj  Party, dominant force in M.P in general and  chattisgarh in  particular, fielded 287 candidates and won 11 seats (16.5 lakh votes). Though seats are less in numlber BSP is a third force in M.P. Assembly,  next to Congress and BJP. Because it proved more powerful on about 55 seats.


    (2) The voting percentage of BSP rised to 7.12%.  Thus BSP become recognised political party in M.P, after U.P. and Punjab and has sounded a warning to the Congress and also BJP.


    (3) Due to the rise of BSP, a force of Bahujan Samaj,Congress ministry is full of ministers including Deputy Chief Minister of Backward class. Despite presence of Mr.Patwa & Joshi,the leading lights of BJP in state assembly BJP has preferred to be represented by backward class leader in the Assembly.


    (4) It is in the first time in state assembly  there are very few MLA’s(17)are elected from the Brahmins and Thakurs community.


    (5)  Though Congress gained victory by winning  173 seats, it includes 126 MLA’s of Backward classes.  But their Chief Minister is Thakur. Because these all Backward class MLA’s are chamchas of the Congress.


              1993-U.P.ASSEMBLY ELECTION


     (1) BSP’s performance shocked and surprised many observers and proved political pandits wrong. It is also the show of self determination by Bahujan Samaj.


     (2) SP out of 252 candidates won 109 seats and BSP out of 173 candidates won 67 seats.  The 67 seat  tally of the BSP represent  in  fact, a larger triumph than the SP’s 109 seat score.


     (3) Notable losers included Mahabir Prasad, Brahmdutt(both Congress) Rewati Raman Singh(JD) and Pawan Pande (Shiv Sena) All these were defeated by BSP candidates.


     (4) 220 Congressmen lost deposits and none of  shiv sena candidates which for 182 seats won.


     (5) JD routed in western districts of U.P., which was considered as a strong hold of Ajit Singh.


     (6) Divergent voting pattern of Muslims in Eastern and in western U.P.   Analysis :-


  • Electorate on Caste Basis:-


Sl.No Hindu Others
1. Brahmin 12% Backwards castes 30%
2. Thakurs 12% SC 24%
3. Banias 4% Muslim  15%
4. Jats 1% Others castes 2%
Total 29% 71%


     It shows that, in U.P. Bahujan Samaj has a final say in  the matter of formation of government.


  • P.Total Population Electorate.


  Person Female  Male
Urban 27605915 14839819 12766096
Rural 111506372 59197138 52309234
Total 139112287 74036957 65075330



   This shows that Rural electorates are more than Urban electorates.


    (3) Votes Polled and %.



Total Voter                8,97,18,722     60%

BJP                             1,83,08,719     34%

Cong                              80,77,376     15%

JD                                  64,61,901     12%

S.P                                 80,77,366     15%

B.S.P                              64,61,901     12%



    This shows that the vote Percentage of BSP’s is equal to JD’s percentage.


               1994 ELECTION


    SP-BSP combined was 27% which is equivalent to Cong & JD i.e. 27%.


    In 1994 BSP contested election in AP, Maharastra, Karnataka  and  Goa assemble and its vote percent has gone  up considerable in these state.




                1995 ELECTION


      In  1995  BSP  increased  its rural base  in  UP  gram  panchayat election.




      In  May 1995 BSP withdrew its support from  its coalition Government with SP in UP and claimed to  form the first ever BSP Government in UP on 03.05.95 with out side support from BJP. This is history of this country that a dalit lead party has formed its own Government in the largest state of India.


               1996 GENERAL ELECTION


       In 1996 general election BSP become stronger  in different states as statistics received from Bahujan Sangathak the mouth peace of BSP in Hindi.


       Here  we  will  mention some  important states  election result data as under:-




       BSP  got 3.95% of total vote count in the state and 10.6% average where  it  was contested.


——————————————————-        Constituency Candidate in 2nd position  Vote secured


        Ambala(R)          ,,                         1,64,288

        Mahendragarh       ,,                     1,36,475











        Constituency  Candidate wins       Vote secured


        Hosiarpur    Kanshi Ram                    2,30,013

        Fillor(R)    Harvajan Lakha                2,95,868

        Firozpur     Dr.Mohan Singh Faliola  2,64,799

        Gurdaspur    Ad. Dharmchand              34,887



       BSP  secured  9.36% of valid vote in the state though it was contested this four seat only with an alliance with the Akali dal(B). In 1997 Assembly BSP secured (out of 57,07,606 votes BSP got 7,66,456) 13.7% of popular votes though it was wins only one seat. It may be necessary to mentioned here that in the out going assembly BSP had 9 MLAs and was main opposition party.


                    MADHYA PRADESH


        Constituency   Candidate wins      Vote secured


 Rewa       Buddhasen Patel                 1,58,379

 Satna       Sukhlal Kushwa                  1,82,497



        Constituency  Candidate in 2nd position  Vote secured


        Sarangarh(R)  Dauram Ratnakar            1,84,778

        Bhind         Kedarnath Kusbaha               1,82,311

        Surena(R)     D.P.P.Chowdhuri                 1,34,696

        Gwalior       Phulsingh Baria                     1,13,546



     3rd  position in 14 seats 4th position in 6 seats and 5th  position in 2 seats.


     BSP secured 6.51% of total vote count in the state. A significant development was that Mr.Arjun Singh a three  time Chief Minister  of the state, and several times central Minister was defeated in Satna by a BSP candidate.


                       UTTAR PRADESH


        Constituency     Candidate wins     Vote secured


        Lalgang(R)       Dr.Baliram                          2,23,045

        Akbarpur(R)   Ghanasyam                          1,99,797

        Sahabad           Illius Azmi                           1,88,066

        Sambhal          D.P.Yadav                             1,83,742

        Fatepur           Besambar Prasad Nished     1,35,043

        Banda             Ramasjiban Patel                  1,25,778


      2nd (Billor,Ghosi,Gazipur,Kattros,Jalesar,Khalilabad, Bandau, Maharajganj, Phulpur, Jalon, Aligarh,  Agra,        Azamgarh,  Ghatampur, Utrab, Misric, Hardoi, Hathras and  Khurja) position   in  19,  3rd  in  51,and 4th in 9  constituency respectively. BSP secured 20.60% of total vote cast in UP. 52 seats has got more than one lakh votes.


               JAMMU AND KASHMIR



        Constituency                 Vote secured


        Udampur                        32,011

        Jammu                          93,000(apx)



     BSP  secured 6.8% vote and got 4 MLA  elected  in Assembly election which was held after the General  election and party has qualified  as a National Party  status, which required at least in 4 States or U.T.’s recognation and to get recognation at least 4% of valid vote should be cast in  a  party.










Constituency Candidate name Votesecured    position


Bharatpur Rajindra singh Bidhuri      87,252       3rd

Bikanor   Delip singh Varbal                59,035       3rd

Sriganganagar Dharmpal Kataria       27,349       4th



              1996 ASSEMBLY ELECTION IN U.P.


      In the assembly election of UP which was also held in October 1996 in this election BSP got 1,10,00,000 vote, which is 29% of  total  vote  cast  Where BSP contested. 67 MLAs elected, 93 in 2nd position and 129 in 3rd  position. This election  has  given a fracture verdicts as no party can form  government  without the support of BSP.  More than six  months BSP have to wait for support from so called secular forces, even Congress  has also failed to pressurize to this forces to support to form a Ms.Mayawati lead BSP Government  in  Uttar  Pradesh.


                  1998 GENERAL ELECTION


    In  1998 general election BSP  become  stronger  in different  states  as statistics received from Bahujan  Sangathak the mouth peace of BSP in Hindi.


    Here  we  will  mention some  important states  election result data as under:-












    BSP  got 5,80,148 of total vote count in the state and where  it  was contested.



Constituency position Vote secured  1998             1996


Ambala(R)          won    2,73,792          2nd            1,64,288

Mahendragarh  3rd      1,88,351              2nd           1,36,475

Faridabad           4th      1,18,005





       Constituency Vote      1998             1996


        Hosiarpur       2,38,759  2nd     2,30,013  won

        Fillor(R)         2,75,803  2nd     2,95,868  won

        Firozpur         3,45,441  2nd     2,64,799  won

        Rupor(R)        2,92,983  2nd       34,887


                               11,52,988               8,25,557



                 MADHYA PRADESH



        Constituency     1998 Vote   secured  1996


        Murena(R)       2,09,379  2nd         1,34,696

        Rewa                 2,07,394  2nd         1,58,379 win

        Bhind                1,93,771  2nd         1,82,311

        Satna                  1,78,535  3rd         1,82,497 win

        Sarangarh(R)    1,77,483  3rd         1,84,778

        Gwalior              1,36,808  3rd         1,13,546



     Total votes secured 22,15,422 in 1998, nine seats received more than one lakhs votes.


     3rd  position in 20 seats 4th position in 2 seats.


                UTTAR PRADESH



        Constituency   1996        1998    Vote secured


        Akbarpur(R)     1,99,797      2,63,561

        Bharaich                                2,62,360

        Ajamgarh                               2,49,065

        Misrik(R)                               1,81,618



    2nd position in 20 constituency respectively. BSP secured 22% of total vote cast in UP. 67 seats has got more than one lakh votes. Total votes secured 1,11,15,997.




State Win 2nd
MP 6  
Chhattisgarh 2  
Rajasthan 2  
Delhi   1


             Manyavar Kanshi Ram understood the  message of   Dr.B.R.Ambedkar as he said “Lost rights are never regained by begging and  by  appeals  to be conscience  of usurpers, but relentless  struggle. Goats are used for sacrificial offering and not lions”. Then we can say that Kanshi Ram is the lion of Indian politics,  who can’t be sacrifice by the feudal forces of India.  As Babashaheb said, “I want to tell my Hindu friends that I shall not live on their charity. I do not want their charity.”


            Therefore  Kanshi  Ramji is very much right  then  BSP took the opportunity to form its 1st coalition Government with BJP after a long discussion of the BJP leaders.  First six months this  qualition Government will be lead by BSP and next six months by BJP. This is the second BSP Government in UP has formed  by  Ms.Mayawati within two years on 21.3.97. The performance of both the Government will be discussed after one year by the head of this two parties.










































  1. The New Hope by Kanshi Ram
  2. Towards Independence of Bahujan Samaj by Prof:- Suresh Mane
  3. The Chamcha Age by Kanshi Ram
  4. Kanshi Ram-The reflection of the Press by A.R.Akele
  5. A Government Sans Injustice and Corruption by Ms.Mayawati CM, UP.
  6. The Hindustan times, New Delhi Edition.
  7. The Pioneer, New Delhi Edition.
  8. The Times of India, New Delhi Edition.
  9. The SUNDAY, published from Calcutta.
  10. The India TODAY, published from Bombay.
  11. The Frontline, published from Madras.
  12. The WEEK, published from Trivanandapuram.
  13. The SUNDAY mail, published from Bombay.
  14. The Illstrated Weekly published from Bombay.
  15. Surya India from Lucknow.
  16. Onlook from Bombay.
  17. Observer from Delhi.
  18. Indian Express from Delhi.
  19. Caravan from Delhi.
  20. Debonair from Bombay.
  21. The Tribune from Chandigarh.
  22. Femina from Bombay.
  23. A.R.Akelay




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