Kanshiram 1st part

BSP MARKS A DEFINING

MOMENT

ANDREW WYATT, the writer of this article is currently doing his post-doctoral work on the BSP at the University of Bristol, UK.

The Bahujan Samaj Party provides a fascinating case study for the political scientist. The BSP demands our attention because it is important for the political emancipation of the Dalits. It is also a useful lens through which to view the current state of Indian politics.

There are a number of ways of explaining the emergence of the BSP. The BSP could be taken as proof of the rude health of pluralist politics in India. In the pluralist view, politics is an arena in which a variety of interest groups compete for power and influence. In the initial post-Independence period the Congress Party persuaded the most important groups to conduct their business within the confines of the party. This cosy state of affairs was never likely to last and interest groups were prepared to take their chances in the wider sphere of electoral politics. In this conception the BSP is simply the latest in a long line of parties representing interest groups that want to go it alone.

This is a comforting scenario to those who prefer the US model in which the dilution of power and the prevention of tyranny take priority over effective governance. It is more distressing for those weaned in a British tradition emphasising strong and effective government. Though the truth of the matter is that Britain, especially in recent years, has become notable for strong and ineffective governments.

The pluralist version, for all its pedagogic value, understates the complexity of the Indian situation. A more plausible account of Indian politics would examine the problem in terms of Gramscian hegemony. According to Gramsci, the dominant classes never ruled society by mere coercion. Instead, the task of the ruling classes is to assert their ideological leadership, or hegemony, and persuade the lower orders to believe that the existing arrangements work in their interests. Hegemony can be used to explain the initial success of British colonial rule. The British then lost the ideological leadership in the face of the counter-hegemony launched by the Indian National Congress.

The Congress Party was able to sustain its hegemonic dominance for a considerable period after Independence. However, it became increasingly clear from the mid-1970’s that the claim to ideological leadership was being undermined by the counter-hegemonies generated by other social forces. The BJP has made the most coherent claim in recent years but it appears to be experiencing severe difficulties in sustaining its ideological edge. No single party has succeeded in projecting a broad ideological vision that could fill the space vacated by the Congress. Nor does it appear likely that a dominant hegemony will emerge for a considerable time. Instead, we will grow accustomed to the presence of several leading ideological discourses in Indian politics.

It is in this context that the BSP has projected its claim for hegemony. If it is serious in its claim to speak for the Bahujan majority of Indian society it could, in theory at least, achieve hegemonic status for its ideology. While this is an unlikely prospect, the BSP can claim to sponsor one of the leading discourses in Indian politics. In doing so BSP could become the most creative site of political thinking in Indian politics.The BSP is ideally situated between the mainstreams of Indian political ideology. It is not constrained by the conceptual straitjacket which hampers many of the Left parties.

At the same time the BSP can press its claim in an earthy style while avoiding the chauvinism usually associated with religious nationalism. This is not to suggest that its virtue lies in a bland middle-of-the road approach. The utility of the Bahujan approach is that the straggle for emancipation is understood in social, political and economic terms. This is not to suggest that there are no pitfalls in the road ahead. The BSP can learn from those parties which have failed to develop an inclusive ideology. At the same time the BSP needs to speak for the entire Bahujan without compromising its special commitment to the Dalits.

WHY BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY?

Manyabar Kanshi Ram being in Pune-the center of Maharashtra witnessed the down-fall of Ambedkarite movement. In his scientific analysis of the Chamcha Age,he has focused on the fall of Ambedkarism from the first general election i.e. 1951 till 1980. By 1971 alliance between RPI and Congress, his all hopes of Ambedkarite movement dashed into dustbin. Therefore, following the advice of Dr.Ambedkar i.e.’Political power is the key to all social progress.’ He felt absolutely essential for the members of all oppressed and exploited communities to prepare themselves for agitational and political action. In his monumental work-the Chamcha age, he has put forward the idea of political action as a long-term solution. He wrote, “Today in India, we have 7 National political parties. All these 7 political parties are let by the Higher caste Hindus. They control the affairs of their parties in a manner to perpetuate high caste rule. Dalit-Shoshit Samaj is helpless in spite of 85% votes at their disposal. It is widely felt that we must have our own political party. In the past some efforts were made but without success”, Thus in continuation of his thoughts and action Kanshi Ram launched his own political party i.e. Bahujan Samaj Party at Delhi, on 14th April, the Jayanti day of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, in the year 1984. The first national convention was held at Red Fort ground, Delhi from 22nd June to 24th June 1984.

Bahujan Samaj Party which is comprised of Scheduled Caste(15%), Scheduled Tribes (7.5%), Other Backward Caste(52%),and Converted Minorities (10.5%), the class of 85% to 90% of the total population. This class in the victim of Brahmanical social order. But on the other hand Brahmins(3.5%), Kshatriyas (5.5%), and Vaishyas (6%) are the beneficiaries of Manuwadi social order. To Kanshi Ram all other parties represents the Brahminical social order and hence they are the forces of status quo. For Bahujan Samaj Party, politics is the mission of social transformation and economic emancipation. Therefore Bahujan Samaj Party should not be misunderstood as a mere political party. It is a mission, for socio economic transformation and cultural revolution. Bahujan Samaj Party is Mass-Based, Broad-based and Cadre-based.

MARCH ON BSP FOR SOCIO- ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION.

“Social Action” says Kanshi Ram, should be mild but continuous. To make it meaningful it will have to be wild occassionally, but non-violent’. Since the formation of B.S.P., a political wing of of BAMCEF, he has been successful in organising the Bahujan Samaj, to establish their supremacy, with the hellp of various programmes and election process. The issues concerning the Bahujan Samaj were taken up at the national level from time to time, to educate and awaken the Bahujan Samaj. These issues reflect the socio economic policies of Bahujan Samaj Party Till today notable, following issues were taken up at the national level.

BRAIN IS GREATER THAN MONEY: KANSHI

Money is, however, essential for politics (ie) to contest elections, It is to be pooled only from our own people. Money will destroy the politicians if they choose to do politics through ‘Money’. Therefore, I give importance only to the Brain and not to the money. Our educated employees possess huge resources of both brain and money. Viewing this, we created BAMCEF(Backward and Minorities Class Employees Federation) to mobilise the resources of our educated Employees for the cause of the oppressed and exploited society.

“Today, our educated employees earn Rs.3600/- crores per annum. Babashaheb Dr.Ambedkar expected more service from this very intellectual class in general and just five percent of their earning for self respect movement in particular. But the dream of Babashaheb did not materialize. I observed this lapse. Hence, I arrived at a conclusion to organise these educated class and pool their brains and money.

One percent of their earnings will work out to be Rs.36/- crores. Out of this, 27 crores is sufficient for our political action at the rate of 5 lakhs per M.P.seat. We don’t deal more funds as in the case of others”.

4.’THE OPPRESSED INDIA MARCH 1984′

WHY BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY?

Year long Social-Action Programme (15th August 1987 to 15 August 1988) Congress(I) and its Government have announced a year long program to mislead the poor people of India on this occassion of India’s 40th year of Independence. With the misuse of Radio, Television and other forms of Media at its disposal, the misleading process will be massive and disastrous for the suffering majority in India. All other parties being led by the High Caste Hindus are not likely to take up the issue of low caste majority and other religious minorities. It is therefore, the bounden duty of the BSP to do something in this matter BSP has decided to discharge this duty in a big way by taking up such issues through its 365 days non stop program from 15th August 1987 to 15th August 1988.

The program will start unfolding itself from 15th August 1987. On 15th August 1987, the program will be initiated in the form of a Dharna on the lawns of the ‘Boat Club’ on the door step of the Parliament, the premier democratic institution of Independent India. From there, it will be taken to every nook and corner of India. The following 5 points will determine the parameters of the year long program:

(1) UNTOUCHABILITY-AFTER 40 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE:

Caste is the curse of India and untouchability is the product of the caste based social system. Under the able leadership of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, this evil effect of Brahminism was exposed to the entire world. Many struggles were launched against untouchability. As a result, the enlightened British Government was moved. Under the pressure of the British Government the Brahminical Leadership was forced to yield and the untouchability was abolished in law as per our Constitution adopted on 26th January, 1950.

Since 1950, Indian Government had enacted many laws to mislead the untouchables and through dust in the eyes of of the world. But actually the government is making mockery of these laws. As a result today the untouchability is abolished in law, but very much prevalent in life. The recent week long dharna staged by the Harijan Sevak Sangh at Nath-Dwara in the state of Rajasthan is an eye opener. The ‘Bhangi hain Bhangi’ abuse of Nath-Dwara, liberally reported by the press must have aroused the sense of shame, even of the shameless Scheduled Castes.

(2) INHUMANITY-AFTER 40 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE

The down-trodden masses of India, especially the SC,ST,OBC are subjected to the most inhuman exploitation in todays India. The daily report in the press is just tip of the iceberg of inhumanity. The worst part of this inhumanity is that the police and the entire state power is always by the side of the offenders. When the victims organise themselves to struggle against the feudal inhumanity, such organizers are eliminated with the help of the state. The recent murder of Mr.Mahato the President of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha in Jamshedpur by the Congress(I) goondas will add to the gaiety of the 40th Anniversary of the independence celebrations of the Congress(I) government.

3) INJUSTICE- AFTER 40 YEAR OF INDEPENDENCE

In todays India, all the down-trodden masses of India are victims of injustice in one way or the other. But the worst victims appear to be the other backward castes(OBC). For SC/ST laws are enacted but not implemented. But for OBC, there are no laws, what to speak of implementation. In spite of the Constitutional provision of Article 340, they are without Recognition and without Rights even today. In this regard they are 55 years behind SC/ST today. When the Congress(I) government is busy with broadcasting its achievements.

(4) INSECURITY-AFTER 40 YEAR OF INDEPENDENCE

On the 40th year of Independence nobody appears to be secure, not even the Prime Minister of India. State terrorism has created various varieties of terrorism. The worst victims appear to be the religious minorities. The recent incidents in Delhi, Meerut and the surrounding areas will prove the point.

(5) INEQUALITY – AFTER 40 YEAR OF INDEPENDENCE

At the time of adopting the Constitution, Dr.Ambedkar told the Constituent Assembly, on 26th January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality and social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics, we will be recognizing the principle of one man, one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure continue to deny the principle of one man, one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for long we will do so only by putting our political democracy in Peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy, which we have so laboriously built up”

Since 1950,the government has taken measures to increase this inequality so that a minority could keep on ruling over the majority. Now it is for the majority to take measures to secure equality. During the coming 365 days ‘Bahujan Samaj Party’ will struggle relentlessly to expose the mis achievements and the mischief of the Congress(I) government and other Brahminical forces.

KANSHI RAM

(PRESIDENT BSP)

KANSHI RAM, A SUPER STRATEGIST IN INDIA

Manyavar KANSHI RAM was born on the 15th March, 1934, in a Sikh family belonging to the Ramdasia Community in Punjab’s Ropar district in the village of Khawaspur. His father’s name is Mr.Harisingh. He is the eldest of seven brothers and sisters. He was studying his primary and secondary education in his village school and passed B.Sc from the Ropar’s Government College, he was engaged to the daughter of a former MLA from Balachaur.

In 1957, first he was selected in the survey of India department, but he did not join there. Then he qualified the examination conducted by the Difence Science and Research Development Organization of India. He joined the Explosive Research and Development Laboratory at Kirkee of Pune in Maharashtra as a scientist.

In the ordinance factory, where Kanshi Ram was working, the management cancelled the holidays of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar Jayanti and Buddha Jayanti and instead granted for Tilak Jayanti and an additional holiday during Diwali festival. Due to this injustice against the great leaders of this country, the employes of the factory agitated and one Mr.Dina Bhana who belongs to Rajasthan lead the agitated Ambedkarites was suspended from employment. By seeing this injustice and atrocious act, against the depressed class employee and their leader, Manyavar Kanshi Ram roared and started fighting for Mr.Dina Bhana in court and against the management of the factory to restore the two holidays after the name of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and Buddha.

The agitation went fast due to the efficient leadership of Kanshi Ram, as a result Mr.Dina Bhana was reinstated and both the holidays which was canceled by the management also restored.

Here the turning point started in the life of Kanshi Ram to think about the attitude of the management of a government factory, where modern educated people are working in the high posts. He saw the casteist bias in the mind of the people in the helm of the society, which he did not experience in his earlier childhood or student life in his home state of Punjab. He left his service in 1964 aiming to serve the down trodden people of this country.

Then Kanshi Ram took up the study of the literature of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, the biggest destroyer of caste system after Buddha and Jotiba Phule. ‘Annihilation of Castes’ by Babasaheb influenced Kanshi Ram tremendously. Annihilation of Caste was the speech prepared by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar for the 1936, Annual Conference of the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal of Lahore(Now in Pakistan), as he was invited to preside over the conference. But this speech was not delivered, owing to the cancellation of the conference, due to his views unbearable to some organisers, of the conference.

The man with full faith in Ambedkarism make total commitment to the cause of depressed class of this country and he took the following decisions.

I will never marry.
I will never acquire any property.
I will never attend any ceremonial function

be it a marriage, funeral or a party.

I will never visit my home.
I will devote and dedicate the rest of my life

to achieve the goals of Phule-Ambedkarian movement.

After pledging his life for the noble cause, he conveyed his decision to his mother through a 24 paged letter. His marriage engagement was cancelled. Till today Kanshi Ram has upheld his pledge. Thus Kanshi Ram still a man without family and property. This is the self evident case of his faith, devotion, dedication and determination towards the goals of his movement. The two great men in India, who are comparable with Kanshi Ram are Bhagawan Gautama Buddha and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. Their contribution towards development of humanity is unparalleled in world history. Kanshi Ram did not even enjoy family life and he has fully dedicated his life to the cause of the neglected mankind of India and abroad. Some parties with vested interest always criticized him and the movement of downtrodden people.

After the sad and sudden demise of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, his lieutenants caused the setback to his caravan. His lieutenants could not even keep the Caravan stand still there where Babasaheb left it, it has slipped its way back and almost crashed. As a result the Brahminical Social Order and its guardians took full advantage. They use the leader of depressed classes for their own purpose and has make the poor as more poor and rich has became more rich.

From 1952 to 1967, the Scheduled Castes Federation or Republican Party of India was recognized political party in Maharashtra and Punjab. Thereafter internal quarrelling, fractions and fragile leadership resulted into non-existence of Republican Party of India, and now a days this party has become the weapon in the hands of status quo forces. They usesome people, and after they through them in the dustbin and take some new one for their purpose.

After left his service and cut up from family relations for the cause of annihilation of caste system, Kanshi Ram started working with Republican Party of India, the party conceived by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and founded by his disciples, on 3rd October 1957. Near about eight years he was working with RPI, then he became disillusioned with its functioning. His dream of Ambedkarite movement was completely shattered when a section of the RPI joined hand with Congress for a petty Pandharpur reserved seat. This point proved to be a beginning of parting of ways for him. Thereafter he started independently to organise the employees of Backward Classes mainly from Pune, Bombay, Nasik, Nagpur and Delhi. Under his dynamic leadership in 1973 some employees assembled in Delhi and formed an organization of employees of backward class and Religious Minorities. BAMCEF i.e. The Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation took birth on the lawns of Boat club in Delhi on 6th December, 1978, after a long five year struggle. His careful thoughts, conducted experiments, deep desire and evolved concepts helped him to reach the goal.

BIRTH OF DS-4

Kanshi Ram in his historical book, “THE CHAMCHA AGE”, (An Era of the stooges) published on 24th September,1982, on the occasion of 50th Anniversary of the Poona-pact, has vividly exclusively dealt with the disadvantages of the Chamcha Age. According to him, .. after the sad demise of Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1956 the process of Chamcha Age accelerated so much that today these tools, agents and stooges of the High Caste Hindus are found in abundance, not only in political field but also in every field of human activity and relationship’. He explained it as under:-

A) Caste and Community-wise Chamchas.

1) The Scheduled Castes – Reluctant Chamchas.

2) The Scheduled Tribes – Initiated Chamchas.

3)The Other Backward Castes-Aspiring Chamchas.

4) The Minorities – Helpless Chamchas.

B) Party-wise Chamchas.
C) Ignorant Chamchas.
D) EnlightenedChamchas or Ambedkarite Chamchas.
E) Chamchas of the Chamchas.
F) Chamchas Abroad.

He launch a program of social action to challenges of Chamcha Age i.e. D-S4(Dalid-ShoshitSamaj Sangharsh Samiti) took birth at Delhi, on 6th December, 1981. Kanshi Ram, having understood Babasaheb’s message in the right perspective,decided to combat the challenges of Chamcha Age, as it killed the Ambedkarite movement. To solve the problems of chamcha age successfully, after scientific and systematic study, he splitted the programme into three parts.

To meet the challenge of the chamcha age.
To put an end to the chamcha age.
To usher in bright age.

Thus to Kanshi Ram, Social Action as a short term solution was found necessary to meet the challenge of the chamcha age. The planned social action was commenced with the help of three wings of DS-4 i.e. Ladies, Students and Youths in the following manner:

Ambedkar Mela on Wheels:-

To remove the ignorance about the life & mission of Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar, in the surrounding states of Delhi, a social action in the form of Ambedkar Mela on wheels was conducted for 2 months, all around Delhi covering 9 states. This helped to create an awareness in the people about Dr.Ambedkar’s mission.

Denunciation of the Poona Pact:-

An elaborate programme of denunciation was conducted from 24th September to 24th October 1982, starting from Poona and ending at Jallunder. This created a new awakening in the masses and focussed attention on the chamchas.

People’s Parliament:-

Since chamchas could not represent the Bahujan Samaj faithfully, DS-4 launched people’s Parliament in Delhi, on 25th December, 1982. From Delhi this action phase was carried to all the corners of the country, discussion and debating the problems of Dalit Shoshit Bahujan Samaj.

Miracle of Two Feet and Two wheels:

To conduct an experiment of minimum resources and maximum output, 100 cyclists left Delhi on 15th March, on the birthday of Kanshi Ram; 1983 and toured the neighbouring 7 states, during 40 days period covering a distance of 4200kms. By this social action phase Dalit Shoshit Samaj learned not only how to compete but also to defeat the ruling castes successfully.

KANSHI SAID, RESERVATION A MATTER OF PARTICIPATION, AUGUST 1985.

The untouchables(SC/ST) and Ati-Sudras (OBC) and converted Minorities from these class were not entitled for education and services required for the governance of the people and the country. The father of India’s Social Revolution Mahatma Jyotirao Phule revolted against the unjust social system and initiated the process of educating these people in 1850. On 26th July 1902 a Sudra (Kurmi) Maharaj, Sahu Maharaj of Kolhapur initiated the process of reservation in government services by way of granting 50% reservation for this Backward people. After a prolonged struggle, in 1932, Babashaheb Dr.B.R.Ambedkar got recognition and reservation for the then untouchable castes. As a result of further struggles, he got all the rights for the SC/ST and Article 340 for the OBC, written in the constitution of free India, in 1950. Thus, we see, that as a result of the struggles launched by Maharaja of Mysore, Babashaheb Ambedkar and Periyar E.V.Ramaswamy, the process of reservation was evolved over the years.

We believe in the dictum of Babashaheb Ambedkar that a representative Government is better than the merely an efficient Government.

Only a representative Government can secure justice for all the sections of the society. It should be very much so far our caste ridden society – a creation of Brahmanism. It is only through a representative government we can have a reasonable share in the growth and development in a planned economy. If only the officers of the savarna castes plan and execute those plans for the Backward castes, the backwards, cannot grow and cannot develop. that is what is happening after the exit of the British from India about 50 years ago. It is the main reason for the stunted growth of the Backward Castes.

The situation can be remedied only through a representative Government. In the present circumstance, it can be done only throug reservation. The evolutionary process of reservation was resisted by the Savarna’s from the very beginning. In 1932, Gandhiji through his coercive fastforced ” Poona Pact” on Babashaheb Ambedkar. 50 years later in 1981-82, during the Congress rule in Gujarat, the home state of Gandhiji, the reservation for SC/ST were severally attacked. During 1985, the reservation for SC/ST/OBC and the converted minorities were attacked in a very big way, resulting in removal of the Solanki Ministry and the reservation for these communities. Now it is part of the history to be remembered greater detail.

Pro-Reservation Movement:

To meet the challenge of the Anti reservation movement of the Savarna and the anti-reservation policies of the Central Government, it was decided to build a “Pro-Reservation Movement” on our own. On 10th and 11th of August 1985, about 500 activists from all over India were invited to Delhi. During those 2 days, it was decided that BAMSEF, DS-4 and the BSP, though a joint effort should sponsor 5 Seminars and 500 Symposiums through out the length and breadth of the country. During the last 3 months, big strides have been made towards building a Pro-Reservation Movement all over the country.

Now “Dharna” at Parliament:

After creating a pro-reservation climate all over India, now BAMSEF, D-S4 and BSP have launched a pro-reservation Dharna at the lawns of the Boat Club at the door step of the Parliament. The ‘Dharna’ will be continued all through the winter session of the Parliament. The Dharna will seek to fulfill the following objectives:

To invite attention of the Hon’ble Members of the Parliament, towards the need of reservation for all the socially Backward castes of India.

To inform and educate all the socially Backward castes about the entire evolutionary process of all the varieties of reservations at different levels, different places and different varieties of the Backward Castes.

iii. To inform and educate all the socially Backward castes about the fact, such as, who fought and secured reservation for them, who opposed and hindered the evolutionary process of reservation for them, who should fight now and how to fight etc. etc.

To inform and educate the SC/ST. people about the non-implementation of the reservation for them.

To inform and educate the SC/ST. people about the direct ways and methods adopted by the States and Central Government to deny reservation for them even while keeping it on the paper.

To inform and educate all the socially Backward Caste employees about their responsibility and role, while learning big lesson from the so called savarna castes employees of Gujarat and elsewhere.

vii. To highlight the fact that reservation is not a matter of jobs, but a matter of participation in the governance of the country in a democratic system adopted by us.

viii. To inform and educate the OBC people about why they are without recognition and rights even today whereas the SC/ST people getting it in 1932 and over the years later on.

How to get recognition and rights now.

About the need to get the Mondal Commission report implemented.

To educate our savarna brethren about the need for reservation for all the socially Backward castes to make the country rich and self reliant.

xii. To impress upon the government that theanti-reservationists attitude to the Central Governments and some state Government is not in the interest of the country. Keeping a massive majority of the people poor and deprived amounts to keep the country poor.

xiii. To impress upon the government that non- implementation of the reservation for SC/ST and non- acceptance of the Mondal Commission report for OBC can be the interest of the savarna and their government but how can it be the interest of the SC,ST,OBC and the converted minorities. When it is not in the interest of the backwards, they therefore, should not be expected to keep silent for all the times.

And many more such other objectives can be realized through the 32 days duration Dharna at Parliament.

Kanshi Ram

BHARTIYA KISAN MAZDUR ANDOLAN:

On 15th August 1988, along with Bhartiya sharnarthi Andolan, Kanshi Ram launched, Bhartiya Kisan Mazdoor Andolan. After the exit of the British from India the anti people policies and programmes, willfully wrong agriculture policy of the caste Hindu rulers of India has created the army of landless labourers and kisans’. Kanshi Ram stated in his pamphlet:

“Today, in our vast and vacant land about 1/3rd of our kisan community is landless kisan. Today, we are a helpless witness to strange agricultural policy. On the one hand millions over millions acres of land is lying vacant and crying for cultivation, on the other hand many millions of landless kisan or marginal kisan are crying for land to cultivate. But our rulers are forcing them to cultivate land of others and for others’.

In his pamphlet he also emphasized on the following issues:

Deceptive Kisan Organisations.
Need for New Relationship.
Need for change in India’s Agricultural policy
Need for Planned Migration.
Need for Real Kisan-Mazdoor Andolan.

JATI TODO-SAMAJ JODO (BREAK THE CASTE BUILT THE SOCIETY)

Indian Society is a caste-ridden society, Manuvadi social order has divided the Bahujan Samaj in more than 6000 castes as a part of their conspiracy. The conspiracy is that they should never be united against their exploiters. In the past Bhagwan Buddha, Mahatma Phule, Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj, Periyar Ramaswamy and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar struggled for annihilation of castes. This incomplete task of annihilation of caste has been taken up by Manyavar Kanshi Ram, in the year 1986 by conducting Bhaichara Banao Andolan and in 1993-94 by the ‘Jati todo Samaj Jodo’ Andolan. This Andolan has been launched on the Mahaparinirvan day of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar i.e. 6th December 1993. Under this programme massive rallies were held in Bombay, Hyderabad, Patna, Calcutta and Ahmedabad along with local program’s in the country.

Besides these Andolans Bhartiya Safai-Mazdoor Andolan, Bhartiya Dastkar Andolan and Bhartiya Bhagedari Andolan, were conducted in different parts of the country. The prime moto behind all these andolans was wage a struggle for:

Self-Respect.
Liberation.
Equality
Annihilation of Caste.
Economic emancipation.

Kanshi Ram says: “All human beings are equal, so there should be no compartmentalization. I want for India all that the rest of the world enjoys in as much as human rights are concerned. Let the Brahmins be around, but let not there be any castebased ‘superiority’ or ‘inferiority’. Now, in a vertical structure there is a hierarchy of the top 15 percent with 85 percent slogging away at the bottom, split up into over 6,000 castes. So they are called minorities.If these 85 percent are united as a Bahujan Samaj they would become the majority and this would bring about equality as the system would then become horizontal”.

He has told his people that his ultimate goal is to capture power in social, economic and political as Babasaheb said that political power as a key to all social progress. If Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation can be achieve by the Bahujan Samaj then his fervent ambition to topple the Brahmanism will be success.

As Kanshi Ram says, “No economic system be it communism,capitalism, socialism or liberalism can succeed in India until Brahmanism holds sway“.

India is a country of diverse castes, races, religions, languages and cultures. Despite these difficulties Kanshi Ram has succeed to bring a unity among the divergent groups of Indian Society. This is the most significant political development. In Indian politics, the calculation of caste factors always works underworld and its beneficiaries are the so called elite classes. Now the calculation has changed totally.

Kanshi Ram is of the opinion that,”Indian politics is caste based and not issue based, and the numerically inferior Brahmins have ruled the roost for too long”.

Kanshi Ram is a passionate personality, about the need for the true liberation of the Bahujan Samaj, consisting of 85% of India’s total population and its divided into more than 6000 castes. From the very beginning of his missionary movement, he has stressed more on the unity of the victims of the Brahmanical social order, so as to end the BSO. To achieve this, his efforts has been aimed at building the supremacy of Bahujan Samaj, the majority of society, as opposed to the hegemony of the minority class, (Brahmins-3.5%, Kshatriyas-5.5% and Vaishayas6.0%). He has declared his fight against BSO, the prime cause of India’s suffering. By his organizational skill and strength he has proved that, without him and his super strategy, social and political scenario in India is incomplete. Therefore it has now passed days when his remarks were treated as sheer demagogy.

Today he is not only the dynamic and able leader of all oppressed people in India, but for millions, his words represent the guiding philosophy of their lives.

Once some social workers went to meet with him in his office. They described him the behaviour of our educated employees towards the social work, and asked him to give them advice how to tackle the situation. Then he explained them how the people behaved with him when he left his job and started work for the society. He recalled that some of his old friends closed their door when they smell that Kanshi Ram is coming to their house. Some time they locked the front door of the house and hide inside the house and poor Kanshi Ram came back as a disheartened man. Now a days those friends are sending big wishing cards, New Years cards, and I have no time to see those colourful cards. Our people abide those who have power, therefore we should try to capture power.

Kanshi Ram recalled that in 1984 or later when he was travelling with elephant symbol in Cycle with other cadre fellow then the street boy of Uttar Pradesh called him as mad man has come to show elephant (Pagol aya hathi thekhane) please go away. Therefore he advise his followers not to dishearten by the behaviour of our own people. They were servant in a very long time so it will take some time to change their mentality. Now in Uttar Pradesh Kanshi Ram is a most powerfull & respectful politician. He is the messiah of crors of down trodden people of this country.

In 1993 he explained why he was supported Congress. He said that Babasaheb told that Congress is the original brahminical party but if it die then the savarna supporters of Congress will be support the BJP or other savarna party, they will not support BSP and then BJP will be stronger and it will be very difficult for the BSP to capture power at the center. Therefore Congress must be alive and BJP also must alive then only BSP can gain power.

On 16-11-1996, the members of the Harichand Guruchand Sewa Sangha, New Delhi celebrated the 150th birth anniversary of Shri Guruchand Thakur in Chittaranjan Park (EPDP Colony), New Delhi. Sangha invited Mr.Kanshi Ram to inaugurate the function and he agreed. He knows the position of our community in Bengal, that once before independence our community leaders were able to help to win Babasaheb in the constituent assembly from Bengal, its muster mind was Mr.J.N.Mondal former law minister of undivided India. All India delegates of Matua religion greeted Kanshi Ram with great honour for his outstanding contribution towards the social upliftment of down trodden people of India.

On this auspicious occasion Kanshi Tells, that we must respect our greatmen all over the country and implement their ideology in our day to day personal life, otherwise we will be left behind. He recalled the famous Guruchand Thakur’s advice to his Nama community in Bengal. As Guruchand Thakur told “Jiska raja Nai, Uska Saj Nai. Jar dal nai, tar bal nai (Those who have no king, they can’t dressed themselves. Those who have no Party, they have no strength) Therefore Kanshi tells the audience that we want to fulfill this goal for the upliftment of our people. Later he came to the house of Mrs.Kanika, of G-1320,C.R.Park for dinner. During dinner member of the Hari Sava told him that the Hari Mandir priest has put some red mark on his forehead, so now he is looking like a Hindu priest. He instantly replied that I can’t see anything what is on my forehead. Then all laughed hearing at his apt reply.

Today he is not only the dynamic and able leader of all oppressed people in India, but for millions, his words represent the guiding philosophy of their lives.

Kanshi Ram feels pain to see the status of reservation when Government statistics shown in 1984-1985 in Parliament even after 38 years of Independence. A table placed below:-

Table – I

All figures in %(percent)

Sl.No.	Class	Population	Politics	Education	Govt. service	Business	Agr.Land
1.	Brahmin	3.5	41	50	62	10	5
2.	Khatriya	6	15	16	12	20	80
3.	Vaiysa	5	10	17	13	60	9
4.	Sudra (OBC)	52	8	11	5	6.5	4
5.	SC/ST	23	22.5	5	6	0	2
6.	Minorities	10.5	3.5	1	2	3.5	0

Table – ii

Sl.No	Caste	1925	1982	1989
1.	Brahmin	3	70	75
2.	Khatriya	40	7	3
3.	Muslim	35	3.5	1
4.	British	15	0	0
5.	SC/ST	0	8	5
6.	OBC	0	2	4

Last 50 years no Cabinet Sectary was from the depressed class, only 3 Supreme Court came from these class. What is the reason behind it? The answer must be find and make suitable remedy.

1988 INDEPENDENT DAYS MESSAGE TO MASSES TRUGGLES OF THE INDIAN REFUGEES.

The Home Minister of India, along with the Chief Minister of Bihar, The General Secretary of the AICC, the Social Welfare Minister of Central Govt. and many other MPs and dignitaries of the Central and State governments and the Congress Party, visited the village of Bihar, where the low caste and landless kisans were being killed by the high caste feudal Lords. The purpose of the visit and its announcement on radio and Television was to tell the low caste people of India that the Government of India has become sensitive and concerned about such killings of the low caste landless kisan by the highcaste feudal lords. The purpose of the Health Minister’s visit to the slums and Jhopadis of Ahmedabad was to mourn the dead and to console the people dying of Cholera epidemic in the slums of Ahmedabad.

A few days back when the Prime Minister came from his foreign tour he rushed almost straight to Nand Nagri and other trans-yamuna slums (New Delhi). As per government announcement more than 300 people died in those slums as a result of the stink and cholera epidemic. To express sympathy with the dead and dying slum dwellers, he suspended officers and transferred another 2 or 3 concerned administrators.

Now the question arises who are these people being killed and terrorized in the villages of India and becoming victims of epidemics in the slums and Jhugi-Jhopadi of the Indian cities. They are one and the same people, the original inhabitants of India, degraded as low caste by the invader Aryans who created Varna-Ashram Dharma and caste system to perpetuate their rule in India. During the last 41 years they were harassed, tortured and killed in the villages. As a result of this harassment about 10 crores of them had been forced to leave their villages and have became refugees (Sharnarthi) in their own homeland.

Why 10 crore people become refugees in their own homeland during 41 years period of Independence? After the exit of the British from India, the High Caste Hindus become the rulers of India. High Caste Hindus, being a small minority decided to perpetuate their rule over the large majority of the oppressed and exploited Indian, known as the Bahujan Samaj.

To fulfill their design, they began to formulate anti-people policies and programmes. The willfully wrong agriculture policies is the outcome of such a design of the present rulers. During the last 41 years of their rule, they kept us fooling by their talk of land reforms. As a result of these land reforms, the number of landless kisans have increased 3 fold. Today, in our vast and vacant land about 1/3rd of our kisan community are landless kisan. Today we are a helpless witness to a strange agricultural policy. On the one hand millions over millions of acres of land is lying vacant and crying for cultivation. But our rulers are forcing them to cultivate land of others and for others. This willfully wrong agricultural policy, without breaking the feudal structure, have given rise to a new feudal class in the country side. Today, a huge Kisan-Mazdoor community is being crushed by the collusion of feudal, neo-feudal, the police and other administrative forces. Today, the main news from our villages is of injustice, atrocities and terror. 41 years back, the Brahminical and feudal forces got independence to commit atrocities and create terror for the Kisan-Mazdoor community. 41 years of injustice, atrocities and terror and dependence have forced 10 crore people to leave their villages and land in the slums of the cities. Now people have become refugees in their own home land. What a tragedy ?

OTHER REFUGEES

Besides these 10 crore sharnarthis, there had been other sharnarthis in the past. There had been about 50Lakhs sharnarthis from Pakistan, other sharnarthis from Burma, Sri Lanka and Tibet. The Government of India had rehabilitated them honourably and successfully. But the same govt. is reluctant to do anything for these 10crore sharnarthis of Indian origin. During 1987, about 5 thousand people from Amritsar came to Deshi as a result of distress migration. Government of India… welcome them and spent Rs.5 crores and 30 lakhs for their rehabilitation in 1987 itself. The same Government is doing much more for them in the current year of 1988. Why these double standards and discrimination? It must become a grave concern for us, for those who are discriminated against, because the discrimination is on the basis of caste consideration.

1987 INTERNATIONAL YEAR FOR HOUSING

1987 was the international year for housing. The Government of India is greatly involved in international affairs. During this year, government might have severed many grants in the name of the slum dwellers and Jhugi jhopadi dwellers of India (i.e) the 10crore Bharatiya Sharnarthis. The Government might have given a rosy picture of their performance to the international community. But actually did nothing for the rehabilitation of these 10crore sharnathis during 1987, the international year for housing. Thus the Government had been fooling at both ends, the international community abroad and the 10crore sharnarthis here in India.

SOLUTIONS

The responsibility of rehabilitating these 10 crore sharnarthis is of the government. We can make the following 3 suggestions:

Government of India must correct its willfully wrong agricultural policy to check distress migration from the villages of India. The policy change must be from pro-feudal to pro-kisan.

If there has to be migration from the villages to the cities, it must be a planned migration. At any rate it must not be a forced migration as of today.

iii. For those already 10 crore migrated people, the government of India must create rehabilitation ministry on the same pattern as it was created for those 50 lakhs refugees (sharnarthis) who migrated from Pakistan.

OUR RESPONSIBILITY

As told earlier, the Prime Minister and the Government of India is giving the impression that they are now concerned for us. But as we see them the Prime Minister and his other ministers are only running here and there without doing anything. Perhaps they are holding that the organization and the uprising of the oppressed and exploited Indians will fizzle out automatically, with the passage of time.

But it is our duty and responsibility to make them understand that our organization and uprising is not a passing phase. On the other hand it must improve and develop by leaps and bounds in the coming days and months. Only our resole towards this end will force the government to work for us. By our performance we must impress upon the govt. either to work for us or be prepared to be kicked out of power by us, the crores and crores of oppressed and exploited Indians. Kanshi Ram BSP National President.

RESERVATION

Reservation as originally conceived was for a strictly limited period in the Parliament and Legislature Assemble. This Parliament and legislature reservation must go now because this reservation is not useful for the downtrodden people. As at present without reservation in this area can be make accessible for the dalits. So now reservation in this area will only create some parasites in the society. Even now most of the reservation beneficiaries in SC/ST’s are not bothered about their fellow unlucky brothers and sisters who are the most under-privileged among themselves. The few literate among SC/ST’s are more cruel than the Savarna people to behave with their poor dalits. Some don’t even want to disclose themselves as dalits, as people will identify them.

Reservation process in the other area is still necessary to uplift the downtrodden and in this process merit will come out from amongst downtrodden and it will run the country smoothly. True patriotism will also rise. It has been observed that majority of public in this country could not franchise their choice freely. If they get chance they will show their merit.

There were some controversies as why Mr.Kanshi Ram called doctors from America to clear his artery in heart. Could not reservation produce any good surgeon to operate him? Now the same question is can be ask to other, that even today after 50 years of Independent the so called Savarna creamy layer of the society could not produce any good surgeon leave aside the reserved few. If so why all VIP’s and VVIP’s are on frequent visits outside India for their treatment ?

Therefore it is not fair to criticize reservation until and unless you can annihilate caste system which has even infected the foreign religions also. We Should not blame only reservationist. It is creamy layer of savarna who are teaching this dalit students. Is it not the fault of teachers not to give proper teaching to the students ?

EDUCATION FIRST, THEN LANGUAGE

Last 50 years in India crores of ruppes has been spent to teacha particular language for the educated people, though some of them are welversed in some Indian language as wl as International language? What is the use of this?

What is the ultimate achievement of this language policy? India 45% of population knows this particular language. Then why government spent so much money for this particular language. It is sometime wastage of money,paper, time and energy in the government office. What a fun is going on? A man can do anything by a language which he or she knows provided he is well educated.

The Government has failed to give the child education compulsory as a result 60% of countries population specially children are still illiterate after 50 years of independent. Village position has become worse then ever before due to increase of population etc.

Therefore, I think it is first to give education to the poor children of this country in their regional language then a educated person will be able to select which language he or she should learn to move the world.

Educate, Agitate, and Organise if anybody want to gain his or her right.

INTERCASTE MARRIAGE

We are loosing talent, education, service, and Property position which were earn by dalits by availing the reservation facilities. The cream eater and blood sucker of dalits has found a new way to suck the very blood of dalits by using matrimonial relationship against them. It is an old way in new fashion.

When a dalit marriage a Savarna, he/she becomes conscious of his/her identity, they always kept themselves away from their own community. Because they fear that they will be identified by their own community as well as Savarnas. Savarnas are happy to gain by this way. They some time become happy if they can arrange a marriage between an well educated and good salaried settled spouse. This formula works against the spirit of Ambedkarism. As these people will follow their master after taking all facilities as a dalit.

Dr.B.R.Ambedkar’s 2nd marriage with a Brahmin doctor was a different case, he never got any education or job facilities through reservation. He fully followed the constitutional provision and registered their marriage and converted his wife to Buddhism, and they never followed the code of Manu of Hindu religion. It was the dream of Dr.Ambedkar to make probuddha Bharat. But our present time dalits after marriage with a Savarna, become a new Brahmin class and sell themselves in the hands of Manuwadies. This process is a very big obstruction in Babashaheb’s mission. These people never look back to their society from where they got the benefits. Which should be the basic condition to avail the reservation facilities. The basic concept of humanism become senseless when they come under the influence of Manuwad. As once Babashaheb told “Hindus are not merely unsocial but antisocial”. What make the Hindus antisocial? It is only Manuwad. Educated dalits become a slave after marriage with a savarna. “If the slave enjoy their slavery then no body can save them” said by V.T.Rajshekar (Editor Dalit Voice).

SOLUTION

What preventive measures we can take to arrest the inflow of this kind to safe guard the interest of dalits. Here I may kindly suggest some points to improve the position of dalits, keeping in view the future reservation policy, and keep it preserved for dalits only as follows:-

Those dalits who have taken the reservation facilities in education from the quota and also selected for job through reservation, they should surrender their caste certificates to the authorities concern and should not take any further facilities on the basis of reservation.

All dalits must submit their spouse’s caste certificate to the office at the time of declaration of marriage to get further reservation facilities from office, when they are going to change their nominee etc.

It must be mandatory for all dalits to leave the properties for their own community which is earned by availing reservation facilities by themselves, their parents or any other relative.

Once dalits has savarna spouse, that means he or she is not a dalits, they become equivalent to a savarna. They are not eligible to avail any facilities which is exclusively reserved for the dalits.

When some body thinks the amalgamation through matrimonial relation. They immediately become a part and parcel of their higher counter part and no way need any facility or spacial care as it need for dalits as mentioned in the constitution of India. Their mental as well as social status become higher than the so called savarnas. When they have get free access to the higher varnas, then and there they are a free man of free society. Then why they will avail or enjoy the facilities which is specially reserved for the dalits ?

Those who are not bothered to improve their own society from where they have come then how they can think about helping to progress the entire society? These self centered cheaters can only think about their self enjoyment. They are the betrayers of their own society, where their 95% population stays. A marginalised and isolated people can not help the society.

It will be best for them to leave all facilities and properties in favour of a dalits who are not so much enlightened as they are otherwise legal action would be taken against them to save the interest of dalits.

They must leave their job acquired through reservation as it is a share of dalits. They must sit in an open competition like others whom they accompany, because they think that they are more advanced than first a dalits must arrange their matrimonial relation within their own community for their upliftment then only they can think about the amalgamation of the entire society. No lapse in this context should be excused.

In our country many cases of atrocities still go unreported because of fear of reprisals from perpetrators of crimes and the refusal of the police to register such complaints. While many victims of social discrimination are forced to accept the brutal social reality, others resisting the inequitable social order bear the brunt of retaliatory violence.

There is no use passing more laws or revision of constitution if the police keep playing footside with the violators of human and constitutional rights of a privilege section of the people. Despite laws SC/ST are facing problems because culprit are going unpunished. They must be punished who done anything wrong in case of fail to implement the reservation policy or done any crime against any SC/ST’s. SC/ST’s atrocities act must be implement all over the country. It is very correct to say that it is no less important to prevent the Brahminisation of Dalits. It’s creates a new Brahmin class among the dalits who forget their own community after availing all facilities.

Our saviour Dr.B.R.Ambedkar said ” Whatever I have been able to achieve, is being enjoyed by the educated few, who with their deceitful performance, have proved to be worthless lot, with no sympathies for their downtrodden brethren.”

“If the slave enjoy the slavery no body can save them”. The Hindu tricks regarding Harijan Sevak Sangh, Babashaheb said ” The whole object of the sangh is to create a slave mentality among the Untouchable towards their Hindu masters”.

Therefore this slave mentality are responsible for all humiliation of present day Dalits in India. Only .1% are reading the DV or other dalits journal. Then what can we expect from this Reservationwalas? What is the reason for such a dismal record of slave mentality ?

Most of well paid employees of quota don’t take part in any dalits matter, because they are in matrimonial relation with the savarna and ready to handover anything as per their savarna masters direction.

Rest of the employees are busy to enjoy TV & Bibi and some are working for their self interest only.

That is why Kanshi Ram has also give up the idea to organize the educated dalits. As it is wastage of time. A few scattered employees are working hard to over come all kind of disabilities, but it is an impossible task, we are disheartened enough to see the position.

HOW IT CAN BE IMPROVE ?

All kind of reservation facilities must be cease, if anybody fail to submit their spouse caste certificate in the office within a month of their marriage.

compulsory subscription policy should be maintain in all offices under the dalit employees associations. Which should be empower to look after the welfare of dalits.

There may be more suggestion about the matter if it is a debate. Some reservationwalas has become very active after different DOPT of GOI & Court verdict against the reservation in Promotion. Now they are agitating in Delhi. Once these people were not even ready to heard the dalit cause, now they are in forefront. What does it mean?

QUOTAS HARMED THE IAS

Propose opinion “Quotas harmed the IAS” by Mr.S.K.S.Chib on 15.3.95 in the Times of India published in response to J.B.D’souza’ short article “Selection Tests are no measure of Merit”. Mr.Chibs opinion “Reservation quotas which sacrifice Merit and higher maximum age of entry to the civil Services Examination, general social malaise in which traditional values of integrity etc. has been sacrificed for short term gains etc.” It is very easy to calculate that a country, with the population of 90 crores and its literate rate near about 35% of the total population. Therefore the so called Merits come up from a very small number of educated people. Extraordinary meritorious student can calculate it but can not understand the logic. Before talking about merits, we have to give EQUAL facility to all the citizens of free India to test their merits in a fair and free competition without considering the students’ origin. Then only the actual merit will be come out. When Education was the monopoly by certain caste and it was a punishable crime to study or hear and by cutting off of the tongue or by pouring of molten lead in the ear of the offender in last 4000 years. If these ill fated people get some human rights through the reservation to come up. What is wrong ? Now we have to think about Babasaheb’s warning that “it is a matter of opinion whether a foreign bureaucracy anxious to maintain the status quo or a native aristocracy with its narrow caste consideration can be a better protectorate”. When U.P. Chief secretary was transferred, so many hue and cry was made but when Sukumar Mallick the then Chief secretary of W.Bengal transferred by communist Government no body was ready to take up his case, and that too was only few days before his retirement.

MARXIST IN INDIA

After the successful Russian Revolution of 1917, even the talk of Russia like Revolution has evaporate. The Communist Parties of India created various organization including some organizations for the Kisans. These kisan organizations kept singing songs of the Russian Revolution and how that revolution brought relief to the Kissan of Russia, But in India, they did exactly the opposite of that.

When the communists came to power in West Bengal they forgot all their songs and slogans. Forcibly evicting the tiller of land from Morijhapi and their other activities has gave us food for thought. Here I have quoted some example for pen the eyes of downtrodden communist of India.

Ananda Bazar Patrika published an advertisement on 17-5-1993 regarding recruitment a Reader in the Department of Geography, University of Calcutta (Esst. 1/93). Educational qualification required for the post was (1) Best teaching experience in life carrier. (2) Doctorate, Reacherch works in the field and at least 10years experience as a professor. (3).preferable to sc/st candidate with the above mentioned educational qualification.

As per scheduled an interview held in the office of the Vice Chanchelor,on 8-12-93. It is surprise that without required qualification the interview board select Mr.Ranjan Basu of Burdhaman University for the post of Reader. On 14.12.93 the Syndicate also approve the selection.

Mr.Basu’s qualification was H.S. 60.3%, B.A. 60.1%, M.A. 61.3% and five joint publication and total 10 publication in his carrier, without Doctorate Degree. He is a relative of a CPM leader.

Mr.Ashish Sarkar another sc candidate’s educational qualification is H.S. 66.1%, B.SC. 70.5%,M.Sc. 74.2%, two joint publication with total 20 publication and Doctorate Degree. He secured presidency prize 1976,National scholarship holder 1976-1980, State scholarship owner 1984,he stand first class first in B.sc and M.Sc in Calcutta University, secured Jubelee prize, Subrata Sen Gupta Medel and Gold Medalist. Including all this qualification Dr.Sarkar belongs to SC category.

At surprise Dr.Sarkar was not fit for the post of Reader in Calcutta University.

Dr.Sarkar informed the matter to the President of India, Vice President, SC/ST commissioner,UGC chairman, Governor of West Bengal, Vice chanchelor of Calcutta University, DPI and some others. At last he has file a suit against the selection in Calcutta High Court. Case is pending Now.

So now we have to think where we should go for get justice!!! (11/12, 14/12 and 16/12/93 the news was published in Ajkal, Vartaman.Statesman daily news papers.)

In another example MS PADMAJA MANDI, a tribal final-year medical student of the North Bengal Medical college, is in the throes of a nervous breakdown after withstanding years of relentless harassment from upper caste fellow students and staff. Ms.Mandi was compelled to seek police protection in March after powerful student lobbies allegedly threatened her when she tried to resist harassment by the hostel administration.

In Ms.Mandi’s case, from the very first year of her enrolment at the North Bengal Medical college, she was heckled by fellow students as “Sonar tukra” (A piece of Gold) used for ST .”Sonar chand” (Golden Moon) used for SC in Bengal which is under communist rule. The rulers self claimed that there is no castism in Bengal. But how far it is true ? Ms.Mandi’s identity as after the students found out that her father Mr.Chittaranjan Mandi, was a Jharkhand Mukti Morcha leader. The Hostal superintendent’s order to Ms.Mandi to vacate her room and move in with junior students on the eve of her FINAL year examinations came as the last straw. Over the years, Ms.Mandi has been forced to share her accommodation with junior students, sometimes even sleeping on the floor when beds were not available. The attempt to disturb Ms.Mandi during her final year examinations has been condemned by 19 Scheduled Tribe organizations that met here on 12th April 94. Demonstrations have also been staged at Siliguri to protest against Ms.Mandi’s ill-treatment. The incident bears an eerie semblance to the mental agony that pushed another scheduled tribal girl, CHUNI KOTAL, a post graduate student of anthropology to commit suicide two years ago. Ms.Kotal was constantly reminded by a section of her teachers at the Vidyasagar University that she belonged to one of the “Criminal tribes” and her efforts to get educated would be useless. After Chuni Kotal’s case, now Ms.Mandi in a poignant letter her parents has proclaimed that she will not be another Chuni Kotal. The name has become synonymous with oppression and torture of the schedule tribes striving for equality with the upper castes in Bengalee society. Some people will make deregoratory statement when Kanshi Ram come to bengal to protect and liberate the oppressed from the hand of Brahmins communists or Higher caste communist, this communists will published all their gotra, Jati etc in the purpose of there matrimonial columns. In another case , In South 24-Parganas district, Ms.Yyotsna Sardar filed a police report after she was allegedly stripped and paraded in public some time ago. Incidents of torture against tribals, especially women are on the rise under communists rule in West Bengal. According to a statement issued by 19 organizations working for the rights and welfare of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribe in the state.

Depressed class in Bengal were only able to uplift when uncompromising leader Harichand Thakur and his son Guruchand Thakur started a movement. Due to their service our community produced first dalit magistrate on 1907, Mr.M.B.Mallik. After qualified with a Bachelor degree he was denied any job in the Government office on that time. Latter Guruchan Thakur had a meeting with the Governor General of Bengal, with the help of Dr.C.S.Mead an Australian missionary and convinced him to appoint Mr.M.B.Mallik and some others in government office. Even then savarna’s in Bengal were protested against their appointment. So for us Guruchand Thakur is savior not any body else.

DALITS ARE SLEEPING

Once I heard a story from a noted Ambedkarite that a British Journalist in Pre-Independent time was interested to interviewed Mr.M.K.Gandhi, Md.Ali Jinnah and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar.He wanted to meet one by one for appointment for interview. When he talked to Mr.Gandhi, he replied no, I have no time for interview, please. But the Journalist knew that the politicians say like that, then he pressurized to Mr.Gandhi and requested him for any time and got appointment at 11 p.m.

Then he turned to Mr.Jinnah for the same cause and Jinnah also told the same thing as Gandhi and the journalist pressurized to Mr.Jinnah and he also agreed to interview at night 11p.m. then the journalist agreed.

Later he went to meet with Dr.Ambedkar. He found Dr.Ambedkar is busy in reading books in his library room. The journalist requested Dr.Ambedkar for his requirement he agreedand told, yes, you can come at any time, I am here, I will meetyou. The journalist told him the timings given him by Gandhi and Jinnah. So he was also agreed to interview at 11 p.m.

As per time fixed the journalist went to meet Gandhi and found him sleeping when the journalist requested him to get up and give interview, Gandhis guard refused to do so. Then the journalist went to meet Mr.Jinnah, as scheduled but found Jinnah also sleeping and when the journalist requested Mr.Jinnahs guard to call him for his pre appointed interview. They also refused to do so. Disappointed journalist came to meet Dr.Ambedkar and found he is in his library room and busy in studying. The Journalist relaxed and through his question to Dr.Ambedkar. His 1st question was that sir, I found Mr.Gandhi & Jinnah is sleeping at 11 p.m. and you are still awaking and studying. What is the reason ?

Dr.Ambedkar replied, Yes, Mr.M.A.Jinnah is sleeping because his people has awaked and Mr.Gandhi is sleeping as Mr.Gandhi’s people has awaked. But my people is sleeping so I am awaking. What a philosophical reply, it was ?

Regarding BC’s not joining with the SC/ST. I am crystal clear that BC’s will be the loser. As Babashaheb done lot for SC and made constitutional provision i.e. Article 140(1), for the OBC. Now it is the duty of BC leader to conscious their masses, Still the SC are forefront Mondal supporter but they have nothing to gain or loss by Mondal. Savarna’s will project some stooge to demise the OBC cause. Now you see in UP SC/ST has more IAS/IPS officer than OBC though OBC constitute 52% of population and SC/ST are 25% only. But due to a large number of SC/ST IAS & IPS the administration can run effectively. It is due to Babashahab blessing not anybody else. No God was came to uplift this depressed class people before Guruchand Thakur, Phule and Babashaheb.

Dr.B.R.Ambedkar categorically said in his essay annihilation of caste that the name Hindu itself is a foreign name given by the Muslim to identify them separately.

In all over Bengal Muslim’s and the Nama’s community were majority in population. So why they will be interested for division of their motherland? When the upper castes in Bengal started swadeshi movement to boycott the foreign goods. Gurucharan Thakur told that my community never used the foreign goods then how can we boycot? Those who used the foreign goods they could do it. We are busy for our daily livelihood. We are so poor and hated by the savarna hence we can’t associate with them. If anything happen after the movement the cunning savarna will be tell all bad was happen for the misdeed by us. You can Change the religion if you need human treatment. Change the religion if you want to organize, secure liberty and equality. Change Hindu religion if you want to lead happy domestic life” Koran can give the religious equality in Mosque but not in social equality.

BIHAR UNIVERSITY TO INTRODUCE TEACHING ON AMBEDKAR THOUGHT

MUZAFFARPUR,Sept.22,98 Babasahed Bhimrao Ambedkar Bihar University has decided to introduce a new subject on “Ambedkar thought” both at degree and post graduate levels from the current academic session itself.

University sources said that a committee for formulating courses of study headed by Dr.B.N.Rai, Pro-vice Chancellor has been constituted. Other members of the committee are Dr.D.N.Mallik, Dr.Ripusudan Srivastava, Dr.Vishnudeo Prasad Singh and R.Birendra Kumar Singh, representing history, philosophy and sociology departments. The introduction of this new subject was mooted by the Tirhut division commissioner, Mr.A.K.Biswas soon after taking over the additional charge of vice-chancellor, it may be noted.

The university is also seriously considering a proposal to start teaching in sociology at post-graduate level. Sociology is being taught at degree stage only in the local Nitishwar College.

REPLY TO THE NEWS PAPERS

On 5.7.94 in your paper (HindustanTimes) an article name “To each his Ambedkar” by G.N.S.Raghavan. The writer tired against Ambedkar. As Dr.Ambedkar said that ‘All countries intellectual class helped to improve their respective down trodden class of their country but in Indian intellectual class has become dumb and intellectual class of India has prostitute their intellectuality towards down trodden. Savarna intellectual of India was never open supporter of Ambedkar and Mr.Raghavan has done the same to write that Dr.Ambedkar strongly condemned the “Quit India” movement of Congress. Babashaheb was clear his stand in his writings” What congress & Gandhi has done for the untouchable” still the real supporter of Ambedkar is without money, media and mafia and they are fighting against Mony, Media, and Mafia. Be cautious that before writing anything against Ambedkar, you must remember Ambedkarite are not believe upon any kind of misqote. All the Ambedkarite are well versed in Ambedkars writing and speeches. Nothing will be acceptable by the dalits except whatever Ambedkar write.

MERIT WITH CHARACTER

Some people will come out in defence of the concept of merit as it is prevailing, fearing that reservations will make “India the nation duffers….. “Perhaps it is not able to see the reality as it obtainstoday in the country, where almost all top controllingposts are with the “meritorious”. Not even a blade of grass moves in the administration without harassment or greasing the palms and the corruption is tending be of high order at high levels. Justice and righteousness in the system have been replaced by cruelty, sycophancy, indifference, arrogance, nepotism and vested interests. The uprightness is nowhere visible and Mr.T.N.Seshan is compelled to call the present bureaucrats as boneless. No good act of a conscientious official goes unpunished while for the corruption of the order of Rs.8,000 crore in bank scam hardly any one has been booked. Where is the scope for further degradation? The real issue must not be mix-up when people saying that , in such case what we require the people of the highest qualifications and efficiency with impeccable character’. The academic merit has no link with the character. The latter is to be developed slowly, even at the cost of one’s carrer. This is totally wanting the present situation. If the higher and lower castes possess the same character, what difference does it make to have reservation in fields which are not highly technical? At least it gives some social justice in the process. The ideal is of course the merit with character. Two letters appear in Dalit Voice (Dt.May 16-31,1995) by Mrs.Surinder kaur from Calcutta and Dr.M.Quraishi from Lucknow. Both the writers have written against Mr.Kashi Ram the President of BSP. Kanshi Ram is the only man in India who has challenged the Brahminical Social Order and will be successful to kill it. But it is very unfortunate that supporters like these two writers are became so angry. Mr.Kashi Ram is working for those people who can’t help themselves and need care for self confidence. Mrs.kaur’s husband need no such help from Kashi Ram. He can fight for himself. If educated and well established people disturb Mr.Kashi Ram for help instead of helping the poor, then it will massacre the Mission of Babashaheb which is now carried out by BSP. Dr.Quraishi’s view is totally wrong, baseless and is like a fundamentalist. We hate Hindu and Muslim fundamentalists in same tone as both are equally dangerous for human rights. Most of the educated Muslims are not helping as per their religious instruction to their poor section of the society by jakat system. In the name of God and following the luck theory they forget their duty as I have seen in Muslim society all over India. Why the Muslim masses are so poor in the Muslim countries also? You will not find a single Shikh begger all over the world. Why?

BHAGIDARI ANDOLAN, BILASPUR, MP: 15.08.1993:

Bhagidari andolan, commenced from 15.08.93 in Bilaspur, MP by BSP is a significant constituent of a 5 point Economic Emancipation program of the party. “Equal share in the Governance of the land”, in short it is the participative management by the people, in Politics, Government, Administration, Power etc. As a part of this program, Mandal Marches were flagged off in MP.

Demanding immediate implementation of the Mandal Commission Report Recommendations. Mandal Cycle Marches were started from all corners of MP. The starting point was Bilaspur, MP, on 15.8.93. Ignoring the down pouring rains, BSP workers & supporters assembled in a large numbers at the site in Bilaspur. People wielding BSP’s blue flags poured into the city by every possible mode of transport:Tractors, Lorries, Trains, Tempos, of course Cycles. A mammoth rally of the nearly 1.50lakh BSP workers and supporters was held at the site. The wave of blue flags made every one feel that the oceans and the skies have come down on the earth together.

Thousands of cycle rallyists in their cycles, wielding blue flags, passed through whole of MP, gathering support for the implementation of the Mandal recommendation. They also informed the people, of Government atrocities on the Bahujan Samaj and how ex-MLA Mr.Ratnakar is toiling in jail for the past many months just because he fought for a Schedule Caste rape victim.

YOUTH FORCE PLEDGES SUPPORT TO BSP

September 10, 1993, Aligarh’s Muslim Youth pledged their unanimous support to Kanshi Ram. Aligarh’s Muslim University Students Union welcome, Kanshi Ram in the presence of a largest ever gathering in the history of Aligarh. All the student univocally, accepting Mr.Kanshi Ram as their unquestioned and untainted leader, resolved to pledge their irreversible support to BSP. Many prominent Muslim community leaders participated actively in this memorable Aligarh students meeting. All of them showered flowers of praise on Kanshi Ram.

Addressing the gathering, Mr.Kanshi Ram said: “Till 1989 I was openly and vehemently working for the welfare, fighting for the cause of beleaguered Muslim community. My passion and concern for the ignored minority community dates back to 1965, when I was closely associated with them, when I commenced my work in Bombay and Pune. It was at that time, decades ago, I realized the pathetic state of life of the Muslim community in the country, understood clearly their identity crisis and their other disturbing problems. It was then that I started practising Urdu. Today I can, not only speak in fluent Urdu, but can also write Urdu with reasonable command”.

“After I shifted the BSP Head Quarters to Delhi for strategic political reasons, I had the opportunity to meet, discuss and exchange views openly with prominent Muslim leaders. I had the opportunity to interact closely with leaders like Shahi Imam Abdullah Bukhari, Syed Shahabuddin, Shaikh Sulaiman Sait and many others. I detailed the views, philosophy and programmes that BSP was embarking on to fight for the change in the system where by I wanted to halt the dangerous growth of minority upper castes. Instead I wanted to accelerate the growth of the 85% majority Indians who are the victims of the evils in the system. To my shock, though all of them appreciated my views and plans, did not find it practical enough for any swift visible success. Ironically, all these leaders were unanimous in their negative attitude and views. They were visibly frightened to take head on the heavy weight national political parties like the Congress(I), BJP, Communists and the likes. They even refused to continue any dialogue with me. I was naturally depressed but certainly not disheartened. I continued to work for the betterment of the enumerating the further developments.

Mr.Kanshi Ram explained: “During June 1989, the by elections in Allahabad witnessed Mr.V.P.Singh being unanimously supported by these Muslim Leaders and organizations like the Babri Masjid Action Committee and Mr.Shahbuddin. More so a dubious leader like Mr.V.P.Singh was being helped by BJP, RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and Ram Janma Bhomi Action Committee. It is known that these outfits are known anti-Muslim organizations and yet these Muslim leaders and Muslim organizations, joined their hands with them. This was frustrating. Interestingly and painfully, it was Mr.V.P.Singh’s Chief Election Agent Dr.Murli Manohar Joshi of BJP who was guiding the Allahabad campaign and shockingly these Muslim Leaders and outfits took orders from him. These forces brought victory to Mr.V.P.Singh in Allahabad by garnering Muslim votes senselessly. Alas, what a pity?”

Manyabar Kanshi Ram went on to add: “This opened my eyes. I was totally awakened to the darker facts of politics. Coolly and conveniently forgotten were those days of V.P.Singh as UP Chief Minister, when he committed ruthless atrocities on the UP Muslim community and merciless Muslim community murders. Despite these hard and painful truth, these Muslim leaders projected Mr.V.P.Singh as a clean and respected leader committed to the welfare of the Muslim community. It is for you to guess how selfish these Muslim leaders were in misguiding their fellow men of their own community. These acts were only to serve their personal gains. It was only then in 1989 I realized that even these Muslim leaders were clearly and painfully anti-Muslim welfare leaders. It was only then I was totally disillusioned with this so-called self-proclaimed Muslim leaders and organizations and I decided to start my work with my Muslim brethren at the grass-root level. I am preparing them at this basic level telling the facts of realities in life and making them understand the philosophy of the BSP movement. In reality BSP is not just a political party, but a great awakening movement, destined to reform the system; to benefit the 85% suffering majority”.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION ON THE EVE OF 50 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE.

We are celebrating the Golden Jubilee of our independence. It has now been fifty years since our country became free. The second generation of free Indians is about to hand over the reins of the country to the third.

It has been customary in our country to celebrate national days as festivals. The event of gaining freedom is reenacted as a drama. Colourful processions, tableaus, exhibitions and public speeches are the high lights of these celebrations. The entire event looks like a farce sometimes.

I hope we will not celebrate at least the fiftieth year in the same hollow manner. This time we should not rest satisfied by merely re-enacting moments of history. Golden Jubilee year should be an year of looking back and assessing what we have done to strengthen our freedom and democracy. Because the celebrations this time will be spread over an year, I hope there will be enough opportunity and time to sit and introspect also. We will have enough time to examine what self governance has given to the people.

We should carefully analyze what made us slaves. We should recognize what slavery meant to the common man and what he expected out of freedom. Now after governing ourselves for two generations, we cannot escape the responsibility to assess today what we have done to eliminate such factors as make freedom meaningless to those for whom it was won.

While talking of the common masses for whom independence was won, we have in mind particularly the down trodden. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, the educationally and socially backwards, the minorities, the artisans and craftsmen, and all such dalits who have been exploited by moneyed or otherwise influential people, form the Bahujan Samaj. Bahujan Samaj was the worst affected by slavery. But their miseries were used like a trump card for demanding freedom from imperialism. They formed the majority of multitudes who followed the leaders during the freedom struggle. Today their social and economic independence is still under a question mark.

It is important to examine how far the impact of independence has been felt by these common citizens, particularly the weakest of the weak,the historically

exploited and traditionally subjugated.

Independence from a foreign yoke is a critical turning point in the history of a nation. It is a total change of guard. The nation acquires the right to determine its own destiny. An ordinary citizen, irrespective of any social or economic barrier, should remember independence as the event which gave him the right to live with self respect. A man on the street should be able to feel that freedom brought him dignity, and liberated him from subjugation at the hands of any other person or group of persons.

Let us celebrate the fiftieth year of independent.

We have been adversely affected by our failures. There are those who have reaped the harvest of a democratic rule. There are those who have so far been deprived of its benefits. There is also another category of those who, due to faulty planning, faulty implementation of schemes, mal administration, corruption and failure of administrative machinery, have been deprived of even those facilities and benefits which they enjoyed before our free march on the road of progress started.

A total view of what we have achieved and what we have failed to achieve, should remain at the back of our mind when we are analyzing progress made as an independent democracy.

Each free generation is a custodian of national fortune. It has a moral duty to improve what it inherits from the previous generation and leave a stronger country, a happier nation, and a healthier system, to those who succeed. Today is an occasion to introspect and assess in the light of what we inherited, what we have achieved towards streamlining our freedom and sovereignty during the two generations of self governance.

CONSTITUTIONAL SAFEGUARDS & PROVISIONS

Our Constitution reflects the hopes and aspirations of the nation as on the eve of independence. The Bahujan Samaj is proud of the constitution. The Samaj is proud of its makers, particularly Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, due to whose wisdom and foresight, the Constitution contains special provisions to eradicate social and economic backwardness of certain sections of Indian society. It also provides safeguards to protect them against exploitation at the hands of those, who, inspite of freedom and economic development were likely to continue to predominate due to socio-economic reasons.

It is one of the most remarkable things about our Constitution that it contains not only the structure and functions of the governance, but also the principles to be followed by the State in governance, and the rights of citizens and others. This was to ensure predominance of rule of law and equal treatment of all irrespective of class, caste, status, place of birth and sex.

The PREAMBLE OF OUR CONSTITUTION sums up these noble ideals as follows:

“WE THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens:

JUSTICE social, economic and political;

LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith & worship;

EQUALITY of status and opportunity; and to promote among them all

FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation;

IN OUR CONSTITUTION ASSEMBLY THIS TWENTY -SIXTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, 1949, DO HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION.”

The fiftieth year of independence is an apt occasion to examine how far the noble ideals contained in the preamble have been realised.

Article 46 of the Constitution requires the State at Centre and in States, to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections and in particular of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Chapter on Fundamental Rights bans discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. At the same time it provides that the State is empowered to make any special provision for women and children, and special provisions for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes. The State is also empowered to make reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the service under the State.

When the Constitution was adopted. WE THE PEOPLE OF INDIA comprised a mass of haves and have nots. We were divided into two distinct classes; one class that of the historically deprived, and the other that of the traditionally opulent class of society which worked for continuance of its opulence at any cost.

Fears were expressed even during the struggle for independence that power would yield to the manipulative tactics of a chosen few, and they would exploit the helplessness of the oppressed and the needy millions who depended on the opulent for self sustenance.

Dr.B.R.Ambedkar had expressed the fear that political freedom without economic equality will lead to a life of contradictions. He made this observation during debate in the Constituent Assembly on 25th November 1949, in the following words:

It is our unfortunate conviction that worse has happened than what was predicted by Baba Saheb. Not only have we failed to bring economic equality, even political equality has evaded us.

PEOPLE WITHOUT NON-POLITICAL ROOTS CAN NOT ACQUIRE POLITICAL POWER.

The above is a bitter truth about empowerment. The majority of Indians was deprived and did not have non-political resources at the time of freedom. Intense efforts were needed to improve their lot. Development schemes properly planned and executed were needed. There was need to effectively, and without delay, enforce the safeguards provided in the Constitution. Failing these administrative measures, empowerment of the masses was impossible. A very small minority of those who possessed political and socio-economic resources were likely to continue to rule the destiny of a vast multitude of the oppressed and the needy. It has happened. Self rule and development planning have failed to check this possibility.

Externally the country had thrown the yoke of imperialism. But internally the common masses were wearing a different set of shackles – shackles of the economically advances, clutches of money lenders, disparities of status, subjugation of landed aristocracy, barriers of caste system, inequalities of religions etc.

These and many other forms of slavery could not have been overcome unless the oppressed were duly protected, unless the traditional trades and skills were preserved and upgraded, unless education and health was provided to all the deprived individuals, unless employment opportunities were created for all, unless development was undertaken in such a way that it does not demolish, but rather improves the existing local skills.

From a national point of view we can be happy about the overall economic progress made since independence. In the field of agriculture the country has progressed from a virtual starvation point in 1947 to self sufficiency in food grains. Our green revolution has been brought about by an ill educated, ill equipped class of cultivators, working in all ill connected rural interior. Therefore it is a rare miracle for the world. In the field of education our country produced only ‘babus’ to serve the an alien Raj, but today it is called the third largest bank of techno-economic manpower. We had only a negligible industrial base consisting only of some agro-based industries and mines. Today we are the tenth largest industrialized country making almost every thing, from a safety pin to a supersonic aircraft. No other country which became free at the same time as our has achieved so much in the same span of time.

From a national point of view the average non-political resource of every citizen appears to have improved.

But “average” is a misleading figure. If we have not foot on a cold slab of ice, and the other on a red hot sheet of iron, we cannot say that on the average it is a very comfortable existence. Same applies to our economy today.

These average figures do not show that those without resources have not benefited out of development schemes. Green revolution has been achieved only on the basis of cash crops like wheat and rice. What about the poor man’s coarse grain, jawar, bajra and maize? Irrigation has not benefited the small and marginal farmers. Their uneconomic holdings have become more uneconomic due to lack of irrigation. They have been rendered more dependent than before on rich neighbours for borrowing irrigation equipment and water. What about improvement of such land as is traditionally occupied by the poor like the Diara land, the Sodic land, the Usar land? Comparatively little attention has been received by these categories. Tertiary occupations like dairy, piggery, poultry, bee keeping etc., have succeeded only in rare cases. In general these life saving occupations have not improved and the poor persons dependent upon them for livelihood have, in most case, had to give up the occupation and search other means of livelihood.

Similarly the industrial map of India is largely made up of Public Sector Industries and large private houses. Atleast till recently very little had been done to medium and small sector. Cottage industries are all by themselves. This has created an employment vaccum. New industries have not added substantially to employment generation. The recent attempts at liberalization have yet to bear fruits and their is a lot of uncertainty whether these fruits will be sweet or bitter.

Disparities have persisted. No. They have widened. The gap between the income level of the richest and the poorest has increased many times after independence. What the richest man spends on a breakfast today, is much more than the total assets of the poorest man. Dependence has not only remained, it has increased.

“Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual” has become more deplorable today, in the age of the supersonic aircraft, than it was in the age of the bullock cart. Social justice to ensure acceptability in a common society to all castes, both the sexes, tribals living in inaccessible areas, scheduled castes, and the people of all religions especially minorities, has not yet been dispensed.

We have not made any tangible progress towards economic equality and equal opportunities of employment, trade and business.

We have not ensured political justice and provided equal opportunities to all for participating in governance and administration.

Without fulfillment of above pre-requisites liberty of thought and expression, equality of status and opportunity, have remained academic questions. For millions of Indians true independence has not yet dawned.

There is a little to be satisfied about, but so much to lament. The hopes of the common man are buried under the garbage heap of bad planning, bad implementation, inefficient administration and corruption.

Let us not under estimate the alarming side effects of bad planning on the entire social structure of India. Due to faulty planning and unsystematic development, our entire society is facing a turmoil. People at the helm of affairs little understand these undercurrents. The very fabric of our society is under risk due to unsystematic and haphazard economic growth.

The combined effect of lack of education, lack of health and medical facilities, lack of employment opportunities, low nutrition standards, and above all dependence on land owners and money lenders in the villages has led to distress migration from rural areas to urban habitats.

EDUCATION

Education and health are basic necessities for enlightenment of mind and social emancipation. Mahatama Jyotiba Phule, the father of India’s Social Revolution searched for causes of degradation of Shudras and Ati Shudras. His considered conclusion was that the root cause of degradation was ignorance born out of lack of education. As a matter of fact the Caste System denied education to the Shudras and Ati Shudras. When Phule Ji was sent school by his father, people of his own community condemned it and boycotted him for violating the custom. But equality of status is impossible without imparting to the oppressed a level of education and health equal to others in the society.

Education not only widens the mind and liberates if from outdated thoughts and practices, it enables a man to claim and occupy positions in life. It is the main instrument of empowerment. Education liberates from social barriers like untouchability. Equal acceptability of the down trodden in the society is established by education.

An illiterate man is a permanent destitute in a competitive society. Literacy improves ability to compete. It is a factor securing social justice and freedom from dependence.

Much of the planned effort to improve education standards of the oppressed classes has remained on paper. Our planners have laid special emphasis on spreading education in rural areas, particularly areas inhabited by Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Priority has been attached on opening primary schools in these areas in every plan. Special funds have been earmarked for construction of school buildings in these areas. Youths belonging to these classes have been given special incentives to get trained in education. Scholarships for higher education have been instituted. Informal education through Anganwadi system and Ashrams has also been included in plans.

Inspite of the above efforts the actual achievement has not been encouraging at all. In practice the problem has been gaining much larger magnitude and efforts of government have not kept speed with the need. This is primarily due to paper planning, lack of political will to implement the schemes, and perhaps lack of intentions to implement.

Due to lack of resources and social acceptability the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have been comparatively more deprived of facilities for education than the general mass of Indians. While the rich classes automatically started enjoying the benefits of education and higher educations once the country became free, the oppressed needed special care. Dependence on economic resources and social opportunities has marred the chances of the oppressed classes to reap full benefits of governments schemes. Had there been a more comprehensive approach the poor would not have been at the mercy of these factors.

It is sad that the gap of literacy level between the oppressed classes and the general population has increased from one plan to another.

Sixth All India Educational survey conducted by NCERT in collaboration with NIC revealed the startling fact that there was a large gap between the total number of habitations and those covered by primary schools. What is more surprising is the fact that there was no data on how many of these uncovered habitations fall in tribal sub-plan clusters, or scheduled Areas or areas predominantly inhabited by the Scheduled Castes. The survey also revealed imbalance between in the growth of number of schools in urban and rural areas. Considering that a majority of the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes live in rural areas, these figure were relevant.

Out of a total of 10,59,191 habitations in the rural areas only 5,32,962 have primary schools, 1,45,824 habitations have upper primary schools, 53,174 have secondary schools and only 11,955 have higher secondary schools. Thus there are more than 5 lac rural habitations in the country forming nearly 50% of the total habitations which do not have primary schools.

During the last decade the number of primary schools has increased by 19.62% while in the rural areas by 7.57% only. The argument generally given is that teachers do not like to go to rural interiors and therefore even the schools which have been opened in rural areas must be ill equipped and badly run. Very little attention has been paid to recruit local teachers.

No incentives have been given to tribal and scheduled castes communities to open their own schools. People belonging to higher and well to do castes have opened schools and colleges. Such incentives would have gone a long way to improve the social and educational standing of these oppressed castes at par with upper castes and well to do sections of the society.

As against the national average of 52.21% literacy rate of Scheduled Castes is 37.41%. Although 2/3rd of all males in the country are educated, only half the males belonging to the Scheduled Castes. As far women more than three quarters of Scheduled Castes women are illiterate as against the literacy rate of 39.29% for women in general. In some particular states these figures are even more alarming. In U.P., the State with the largest population of Scheduled Castes, the literacy percentage of Scheduled Caste women is less than 10%.

It is, therefore, clear from the above figures, that majority of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other oppressed classes who live in rural areas are deprived of the basic facility of education even in this 50th year of independence. In other words there is no hope of their acquiring even the basic means of empowerment. How can it be expected that in the near foreseeable future these oppressed and downtrodden will be able to gain a social status equal to others and live as free and self dependent citizens? They obviously do not have any hope to gain freedom during their life time.

Literacy level of the Scheduled Tribes is also a sad story. The gap between literate persons belonging to Scheduled Tribes and those belonging to general population was 18.15% in 1971. This gap increased to 19.88% in 1981 and further widened to 22.61%. As per last census of 1991 as many as 70.40% tribals were illiterate, as compared to only 47.79% illiterate persons in the category of general population.

Literacy level of the tribal women shows even worse statistics. The gap between illiterate tribal women and women belonging to general population was 14% in 1971. This gap increased to 16% in 1981 and further widened to 21.04% in 1991. As of today 8 out of 10 tribal women are illiterate. How can the parameters of female emancipation hold good for them?

The rate of growth of literacy among the tribals over the last three decades has been very sluggish and far from such satisfactory levels as would show them the light of freedom and self dependence. Literacy increased by 6.78% in the decade 1971-81 and 16% during 1981-91 for the general population, while among the tribals the rate of increase was 5.05% and 13.25%.

The drop out rate of Scheduled Tribes at primary level is 64.53% as against 47.93% in general category. This is an alarming reflection on the dangerous socio-economic constraints which the tribals are finding impossible to overcome. They continue to be slaves of these limitations.

Unless literacy level improve among the dalits their integration in the society at large will not be possible. It is pity that all the high flown ideas and schemes relating to ‘education for all’ have remained on paper without tangible results. It is also a pity that those who belong to the privileged classes of society have never understood the problem that the larger segment of the society is alienated from the mainstream. Caste system or rather the vertical hierarchy of the castes has always closed the doors of such interaction between the communities and classes. Hence, the upper castes and privileged classes continue to exploit the illiterate masses. A vested interest is prolonging the dependence of the illiterate on the literate.

HEALTH AND MEDICAL SERVICE

Physical health and nutrition standard of the poor and under privileged increase lack of self dependence. A person in ill health is the worst destitute. There are no separate studies to prove with statistics that the health and nutrition standard of Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Caste, and the socially and educationally backward classes is poorer than that of the general category of people. But there are a number of official and non official studies to prove that nutrition deficiency is common among the members of these classes. Poor health takes these people out of competition with the well to do classes. Their life span is shorter than others. Thus, poor health renders them more dependent on others. Poor medical services fail to free them from this malady.

The future generations of these oppressed classes will find it even more difficult to come out of this helpless situation. Since difference in physical health of the rich and the oppressed will widen with coming generations, the economically oppressed will be further buried under the burden of ill health. Anemia among children and nourishing mothers is a matter of common observation in backward classes. This factor diminishes their hopes further.

It is a well known fact that a majority of the Dalits are engaged in primary professions, and such work as exposes their bodies to environmental hazards. These are like scavenging, leather tanning, cobblery, potteries, and weaving. Conditions in and around their house and colonies are generally unhygienic. Due to these circumstances diseases like malaria, tuberculosis, skin diseases, leprosy, and goiter are an integral part of their professional hazards. These diseases require specialized indoor treatment. It is a pity that there are hardly any indoor hospitals with special facilities for such infectious diseases, either located in areas inhabited by Dalits or meant exclusively for them. These are diseases of the poor. The rich live in cleaner environment. And the rich can afford private treatment at private and costly clinics. The oppressed doubly suffer due to these diseases and lack of facilities for their treatment.

Inspite of sanctions on paper there is general lack of infrastructure like health institutions, medical and para medical staff in schedule areas and interior areas which are predominantly inhabited by weaker sections of the society. This is a major hurdle in realization of the goal of “Health for All”. Government has relaxed the norms for establishment of Primary Health Centers and sub centers. But there is a gap between theory and practice. Medical and para. medical staff is reluctant to go into interior tribal areas.

Thus in very large Dalit areas people are entirely at the mercy of local cures and remedies. Quacks rule supreme in these areas. There is total dependence on what ever is locally available in the name of medical help and medicines. For these even to dream of liberation from disease and squalor is a far cry so far. For most of those Dalit areas where medical facilities have been provided under the plan, in reality there are little or no facilities.

Some freedom could have been possible if indigenous medical practices had been encouraged. Particularly in tribal areas there have been well established indigenous system of medicines. There is no emphasis on Tribal and traditional systems of medicines and health care. Therefore there has been no development of local genius and skills.

The above situation has resulted in a dilemma. The old systems prevalent in the dalit areas are not being encouraged. New systems are not getting established. As a net result the poor are totally dependent on unregistered quacks and fictitious doctors.

SECURITY

According to National Crime Record Bureau of India crime against the dalits have not come down with advancement of the country but have gone up. Data shows that crime against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes rose from 24,922 recorded cases in 1992 to a staggering 33,908 in 1994. 1994 data shows that U.P. accounted for 47.7% of the total crime against these classes country wide. Rajasthan with 14.2% and M.P. with 11% are the two other States where atrocities on the members of SCs were most rampant. Dadra and Nagar Haveli with around 10lac population of SC/STs in 1991 census, headed the list among Union Territories with 1.3% of the share at all India level of atrocities against backward classes.

FUTURE TRENDS ARE ALSO ON THE SAME LINES

Ugly means like rape, parading naked a weaker section woman or the heinous killing of children belonging to these underprivileged classes are adopted against the weaker sections corresponding to feudal style, meant to set an example for others not to raise their head again.

It is significant to remember here that the weapon of “atrocities”was forged in post independence India. Heightened aspirations of weaker sections and dogged resistance by the higher castes lead to social conflicts and these crimes. It has been observed that wherever the SC is asserting for greater share in political-economic cake, social violence is more. Similarly, widened economic backwardness is an important factor for high percentage of social crimes in backward states.

Laws to deal with prevention of atrocities against the Dalits are toothless. A majority of cases registered under the Prevention of Civil Rights Act, 1994, Prevention of Atrocities Act fall through due to the weakness of law. Low prosecution rate is a great booster for perpetrators of atrocities on weaker sections. Record of convictions in cases of atrocities on Dalits registered is poor and shows half hearted investigations and prosecutions. According to SC/ST Commissioner Report 1992 a total of 1.67 lac cases of crime against weaker sections were framed in the decade 1975-86. Of 4,322 people were convicted, around 15,000 persons were acquitted while about 19,240 cases were left pending.

LANDLESS CULTIVATORS AND SMALL FARMERS

An estimated 75% of the rural population forms the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Other Backward Classes. They are the most deprived and dependent. A majority of them have only their body as an asset. More than 50% of these do not own land. They are landless cultivators, which is a misnomer. They cultivate but they do not own land. They are called ‘batai dars’ in northern India. They are in other words dependant on those who own their land on paper and totally at their mercy. Being not gainfully employed a majority of them remain indebted to money lenders.

The remaining 25% of the Dalit villagers who do own land are holders of uneconomic landholdings, being small and marginal farmers. Their plight is not much better than that of the landless cultivators.

Most of the government schemes to improve the plight of landless cultivators and small and marginal farmers have failed or become routinized. Intensive Rural Development program for example has not improved the lot of those living below the poverty line. The scheme was aimed at providing an intermediary source of income to these classes by engaging them in profitable and bankable projects. There were bureaucratic procedures in identifying the beneficiaries. There was little emphasis on selecting schemes with aptitudes on the beneficiaries in mind. There was little emphasis on improvement of skills. And there was no integrated effort to establish fail proof supply line of raw materials for the selected projects, or marketing for their products. Hence, as was inevitable, the IRDP failed. As a matter of fact poverty removal schemes rendered many poor people indebted and liable to harassment instead of helping them to stand on their own feet.

The rural Dastkars, for example, are among the worst sufferer of planning and unsystematic development. Artisans like potters, carpet weavers, embroiders, wood craftsmen toy makers, zari workers, sari weavers, and a large number of other such artisans enjoyed a protected livelihood. Modernisation and commercialization of hand made products has rendered these craftsmen totally uncompetative and dependent on others. They have been uprooted without having been provided alternate roots.

‘GARIBI HATAO’ scheme started as a political slogan and hitherto remain a vote catching device.

Almost all impact assessment of the so called poverty removal schemes have shown that these schemes have either totally failed to ameliorate the lot of the beneficiaries or have had only inadequate effect. Being administered by an unmotivated and procedure ridden bureaucracy, most of these schemes have only converted the poor beneficiaries into slaves of bureaucratic doles. Being based on grants without sufficient backing of bankable and cost conscious schemes, these schemes have failed to help the beneficiaries stand on their own feet. Individual beneficiaries were given loans and grants and assigned isolated and stereotyped schemes without making fail proof arrangements for supply of raw materials and marketing of goods produced by them. Very little emphasis and that too misplaced away from the real beneficiaries was laid on improvement of skills. Net result was a chaotic smoke screen of poverty removal behind which the selected beneficiaries became greater slaves of the vicious circle than before, this time with an additional ring of bureaucracy.

Largely due to caste inhibitions and unsympathetic bureaucracy the benefits of the poverty removal schemes found difficult to percolate to the Scheduled Castes in particular. Illiteracy and lack of any skills to utilize the allotted funds and assigned schemes added to the failures of the schemes in their case. Hence to ensure concentrated attention on the Scheduled Castes the government conceived the Special Component Plan in 1978. Even this has become routinized as was expected because the delivery system remained the same. The entire poverty removal scheme thus remained only a game of numbers and on paper.

While agricultural production has increased manifold, the bulk of Schedule Caste families remain agriculture wage labourers, as in the past many centuries, depending on their very oppressors and exploiters. A large part of the country’s land has been brought under irrigation, but the limited extent of land which is owned by the Scheduled Castes remains mostly unirrigated.

Schemes for Small and Marginal Farmars have not resulted in any tangible improvement in the economic status of these farmers. Landless Agricultural Farmers have thus far been treated as Wage Earners and not tillers of land who deserve to be given the rightful title of the land they are tilling.

Bonded labour system continues in its vicious form and two third of the country’s bonded labourers are from the Scheduled Castes.

Some general development plans as major irrigation and multipurpose projects, mines and heavy industries etc. have added to the misery of tribals. Their common property resources like land and forests are shrinking. There is degeneration in environment and in quality of life as their life support system is getting eroded.

The Constitution provides for special approach for the administration and development of Scheduled Areas. Eight States in the country have tribal areas which have been declared as Scheduled Areas. Under the Fifth Schedule, and special responsibility has been cast on the State to ensure peace and good government in these areas. The then Prime Minister of India, Late Jawarhar Lal Nehru formulated a “Tribal Panchsheel” which was later ratified by the Dhebar Commission. The Tribal Panchsheel laid down that –

the development of tribals should be along the lines of genius of their community;

there should be no imposition on them;

iii. there own traditional art and culture should be encouraged;

they should be integrated with the rest of the society in a manner that their traditions and cultures remain undisturbed;

the rights of tribals on land and forests should be preserved and they should themselves be prepared and trained for their administration and development.

This Tribal Panch Sheel was never given a practicable shape in a government scheme. Special provisions of the Fifth Schedule for prohibiting or restricting transfer of land by members of Scheduled Tribes, regulating allotment of land to them, and regulating money lending business in these areas, have not been effectively implemented. As a result the traditional political structures in tribal areas are collapsing.

With the introduction of the Constitution (73rd and 74th) Amendment Acts, the devolution of financial as well as administrative powers to the local self government bodies is taking practical shape. However, the provisions regarding Panchayati Raj institutions do not apply to the Scheduled Areas at present.

Lack of social acceptability of weaker sections and hence their poor economic condition Extreme social, educational and economic backwardness arising out of the traditional practice of “untouchability” continues to be a cause of exploitation of these castes. Untouchability has been forbidden by article 17 of the Constitution. Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 has also been enacted. But the Scheduled Castes continue to be subjected to a wide range of disabilities. Untouchability continues in its oldest form in many areas of the country. It is practiced in a modified form in many other parts of the country. Subjugation, dependence and oppression in various forms continue to be the fate of the Scheduled Castes. Although unlike the Scheduled Tribes the Scheduled Castes are not geographically isolated and live with the other communities, yet most villages and towns are divided along caste lines. This is reflected in the segregation of Scheduled Caste settlements to marginal sites away from the main habitations, both urban and rural.

The Scheduled Caste who number 13.82 crores, constitute 1/6th of the country’s population. But Scheduled Castes are at the bottom of the economic pyramid of the country. The contribution of the Scheduled Castes to the country’s economy, in terms of physical labour, either on their own lands or the land of others, or in occupations like scavenging, flaying and tanning of leather is the highest. More than three quarters of the total population of the Scheduled Castes are engaged in primary occupation as against the national average of 67% engaged in primary sector. While 20% of total workers in India are engaged in tertiary sector, the figure for the Scheduled Castes is 13%. Economic circumstances force particularly Scheduled Caste women to contribute physical labour while the per capita income of Scheduled Castes is the lowest. This shows their near total subjugation to dominant classes or communities. In many states the work participation of women is much higher than the national average.

The most significant fact about Scheduled Castes workers is that half the Scheduled Caste workers are agricultural wage labourers in contrast to the national average of 26%. Correspondingly only a quarter of the Scheduled Caste workers are cultivators as against a national average of 31%. Even these are mostly small and marginal farmers.

It is obvious that social segregation and caste rigidities have confined Scheduled Castes workers to menial and degrading occupations. Liberalisation and social legislation have not brought about any meaningful shift in their occupation pattern. They, by the large, continue to be occupied in hazardous, arduous and low category employments symptomatic of exploitation due to which they have not been able to wriggle out into productive occupations. Their children often start by sharing their burden and as they grow become a part of the same helpless workforce as their parents, thus perpetuating their penury and subjugation.

Cumulative effect of these failures is reflected in the data which shows that nearly 45% of Scheduled Caste households are living below poverty line as against the national figure of 37.40%.

Plight of Agricultural wage labourers, cultivators, Traditional artisans, Leather workers, Weavers, Others artisans, Fisherfold, Essential health workers, Civic sanitation staff, Traditional Dais, Urban marginalised labour, has not changed after independence due to the lack of improvementin skills, and lack of modernization in their profession. If at all modernization is introduced it only leads to alienation of the traditional workers from their age old profession, without relocating them in alternate, better, occupations.

Schemes for removal of middlemen who are responsible for reducing income of self employed producers in the primary as well as secondary sectors, and even in the tertiary sector, have not made headway, rather have worked in the reverse direction in many cases.

Statistics show that there was no or negligible allocation for poverty removal schemes in the first four five year plans. It was on the eve of the Fifth Fiver year Plan only that the then Prime Minister launched what she said “a direct attack on poverty”. ‘Garibi Hatao’ came as a political catch word. Poverty removal was then forced upon the planners as a compulsive slogan when the ruling political party started losing its foothold and wanted something to hold on to. The program continues to be exploited more as a vote catching device even now than as a genuine program to liberate the oppressed classes from economic exploitation.

Distress migration has transported dependence from rural to urban areas. Crores of insecure rural poor have migrated to urban habitats. they wriggled out of the clutches of the rural landed aristocracy and have fallen prey to the clutches of slum lords in towns on a rough estimate more than 10 crore displaced poor live in slums in metropolitan cities in the most miserable conditions of subjugation and exploitation. there are said to be one million pavement dwellers on the electoral roll of the city of Calcutta. There is an estimated population of two million dwellers of Jhuggi Jhopri colonies in Delhi. There are swarms of Jhoper Patti dwellers in Bombay. In this metropolis of the richest Indians, 75% people are living with proper shelter, and without reliable means of livelihood, in slums. It is difficult to keep a count of slum dwellers in other metropolitan cities like Madras, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Hydrabad, etc., and medium and smaller towns.

Apart from these displaced settlers there are millions of those who cannot afford even a make shift shelter and commute to towns for miles together in search of employment every day.

Considering the number and plight of these floating poor citizens of India, it would be criminal to overlook any more what defective planning and lop sided development of economy has done to the urban and semi-urban society. It is all the more criminal to ignore the fact that those who have shifted in the process of distress migration to urban areas, are mostly those who atleast enjoyed a secure and systematic livelihood in villages. Turmoils of our unsystematically developing economy have uprooted them, without providing new roots and rehabilitation.

Many of these displaced urban refugees are either erstwhile owners of small and uneconomic holdings in villages, cultivators of land on batai, artisans who could not compete in commercialized industrialization, traditional craftsmen like weavers, potters, etc., who could not improve their skills to compete with modern competitors. And for most of them the government has either never thought of a scheme for upgrading their skills or rehabilitating them; or a scheme was run and could never succeed. They are the unfortunate offsprings of our confused and confusing economic development.

These urban poor are worse than slaves, what to talk of citizens of a free country. They are rootless having been uprooted by the trade winds of time. They have not been helped to find alternate roots. They, who lived a life of some kind of sustenance, are now living a day to day existence, totally at the mercy of day to day circumstances, and day to day possibilities of earning their bread. A minor riot can turn their life upside down. A natural calamity can uproot them again like leaves of a trees.

Uncertainties of urban livelihood tempt them towards crime. They fall easy prey to mafia gangs. Their families become susceptible to fall in moral standards. Their children hardly ever see the sight of a school.

Abject dependence on underworld forces is what is their fortune. What to talk of freedom for them as citizens of this country, they are the worst exploited.

WHAT HAVE WE DONE ABOUT THE SOCIALLY AND EDUCATIONALLY BACKWARD?

The Other Backward Classes constitute 52% of the population of India. The most startling thing about the planned development of O.B.C.s is nothing systematic was done in this direction upto 1990, i.e. forty three years after independence, and forty years after the process of five year plans started.

The Constitution recognised that the socially and educationally backward classes labour under difficulties and envisaged the appointment of a Commission by the President under article 340(1). Article 340(1) provided that “The President may by order appoint a Commission…to investigate the conditions of socially and educationally backward classes within the territory of India and the difficulties under which they labour and to make recommendations as to the steps that should be taken by the Union or any State to remove such difficulties and to improve their condition and as to grants that should be made …”

Inspite of such clear provisions in the Constitution the first fruitful step was taken only after 40 years of independence. Kaka Kalekar Commission appointed in 1953 submitted its report in 1955. But the Government rejected the report in 1961. For two decades after that nothing happened. In 1979 the Mandal Commission was appointed. The Commission submitted its report in December 1980. For a decade it received the same treatment as the Kaka Kalekar Commission.

Only in August, 1990 the Govt of India decided to introduce reservation of 27% of the OBCs on the basis of Mandal Commission’s report.

The failure to recognize the OBCs at the central level also meant that no efforts were made by planners and resource distributors at the national level for their development and welfare. This has resulted in the deprivation of OBCs of their legitimate dues and share in the fruits of development and welfare in independent India over and above their historical deprivation and exploitation.

SO MUCH SO FOR JUSTICE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC, WHAT ABOUT JUSTICE POLITICAL?

Political empowerment and participation in governance and administration can secure freedom for the oppressed. But it is a fact of history that a Bahujan Samaj was always discouraged to build its own political leadership. There have always been systematic attempts to let down in-house leaders of the poor. The rich and upper castes have generally tried to assume their leadership and exploited their gullibility and economic dependence, and to nurture them as a vote bank instead of letting any of their members, however capable he might be, as potential repository of the political ambitions of the Samaj. But according to Dr.Ambedkar “It is not enough to electors only, it is necessary to be law-makers; otherwise who can be law-makers will be masters of those who can only be electors.” Even as electors the Bahujan Samaj has always been misused and exploited. Intimidation of voters belonging to the deprived classes of society continues to be a common phenomenon. Cases of intimidation of candidates and voters of the weaker sections of society continues to be a common phenomenon. Cases of intimidation of candidates and voters of the weaker sections of society has increased in number instead of decreasing. Participation of the weaker sections in franchise has therefore declined. Very small number of members of backward classes are elected from non-reserved constituencies. This alone shows that inspite of fifty years of independence the weaker sections stand no where in open competition.

No systematic statistics have ever been collected about eligible Dalits registered as voters, Dalit voters who cast their votes, Dalit voters who were not allowed to cast their votes, Dalit voter who were not allowed to cast their votes freely and fairly.

Electoral reforms in this country are the most talked about the least enacted subject. Three capital M’s have stood in the way of the members of the Samaj trying to become political masters-Money power, Mafia power, and the Media power. Elections continue to yield to the manipulative tactics of the privileged few who control Money, Mafia and Media.

Without political empowerment of the members of Bahujan Samaj it would not be possible to improve their economic well being. And without economic well being it would not be possible for them to compete in the political arena. Both fields continue to be monopolized by the privileged few. The Bahujan Samaj is smarting under this twin helplessness. In the words of Dr.Ambedkar-“There can be no gainsaying that political power in this country has too long been the monopoly of a few and the many are not only beasts of burden, but also beasts of prey”.

This monopoly has not merely deprived them of their chances of betterment, it has sapped them of what may be called the significance of life. Those down trodden classes are tired of being governed. They are impatient to govern themselves. The urge for self-realisation the down trodden classes must not be allowed to devolve into a class struggle or class war. It would lead to a division of the House. That would indeed be a day of disaster. For, as has been well said by Abraham Lincoln, “A House divided against itself cannot stand very long”. Therefore, the sooner room is made for the realization of their aspiration, the better for the maintenance of its independence and the better for the continuance of its democratic structure. This can only be done by the establishment of equality and fraternity in all spheres of life.”

There have been instances in the recent past in which some cynical sections of the masses have expressed distrust in the very structure of democracy. Naxal movement is one such example of desperation. The Bahujan Samaj believes in the system. The Samaj would rather cleanse the political system and use it to bring about social transformation.

The Samaj, being economically weak, does not have any sway on the three Ms of the election trade- the Money, the Mafia, and the Media. It is in the process of organizing itself on the strength of its programs and policies rather than any manipulative tactic. That is one reason why our progress is slow but sure. We will unite the landless cultivators, the small and marginal farmers, the artisans, the primary workers, the OBCs, the backwards, the Scheduled Castes, the Tribals,and the minorities, on a common platform based on genuine implementation of the provisions of India’ Constitution. We will use political power to achieve social transformation, and within the diversity of customs, cultures, professions, religions, castes and languages, we will unite the society on the basis of respect and reverence for fellowmen.

While achieving the social transformation through political power we will be guided by the definition of Democracy given by Dr.Ambedkar :

“A democratic form of Government presupposes a democratic form of society. The formal framework of democracy is of no value and would indeed be a misfit if there was no social democracy. The politicians never realised that democracy was not a form of Government; it was essentially a form of society.. a social organisation free from rigid social barriers. Democracy is incompatible and inconsistent with isolation and exclusiveness, resulting in the distinction between the privileged and the unprivileged.”

“On 26th January 1950. India will be an Independent country (Cheers). What would happen to her independence? Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again? This is the first thought that comes to my mind. It is not that India was never an independent country. The point is that she once lost the independence she had. Will she lose it a second time? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of some of her own people …..

Will history repeat itself? It is this thought which fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds, we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indians place the country above their creed or will they place creed above country? I do not know. But this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put it jeopardy a second time and probably be lost for ever. This eventuality we must all resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood. ( Cheers ).

Few interviews by Kanshi Ram in different journals and daily newspapers as published is given below.

THE HINDUSTAN TIMES 22.10.95

Q.1. Now that the BSP government has fallen, what do you plan to do?

I intend to relax for some time. Then from November till the first week of December we will organize a number of melas. For instance, there will be a Jyotiba Phule mela in Gwalior, a tribal mela in Jabalpur and a Chandal mela in West Bengal. The Chandal mela for instance will revolve around three slogans- Jiska Raaj Nahi Uska Taaj Nahi, Jiska Dal Nahi Uska Bal Nahi and whether you get food or not you should get yourself educated. In Bengali these slogans sound very attractive. The melas for instance in Bengal would be organised along the lines of the Durgapuja and instead of being concentrated in one area spread across a 100km radius.

Then in late November upto the middle of December there will be a series of rallies covering a cluster of about four or five Parliamentary and about 20 Assembly segments in which at least five lakh people participate. There will be 20 such rallies in UP and 20across the country. If elections are called before that then perhaps the number of rallies will come down.

Q.2. What is the message you intend to give out at these Rallies ?

I will tell my people to uproot the forces of status quo. Bring about change by building your own force. Get 250 of your Legislators into the Assembly and Mayawati should be the ruler of UP again.

Q.3. Do you consider Mulayam Singh Yadav to be among the forces of status quo?

Mulayam Singh is no force as far as I feel. I had organised a Yadav rally on the suggestion of the Ghosi Yadavs who are numerically stronger among the Yadav community. In fact, we have tested each Jati in UP by holding rallies like the Yadav rally in Lucknow. And in each such rally there were not less than one lakh people.

Q.4. With the possibility of elections increasing in the State, would you prefer simultaneous Assembly and Lok Sabha Elections ?

I would like to have them simultaneously.

Q.5. The BJP is also of the same view?

Yes. But the Congress may not want them simultneously. They perhaps feel that the Muslim vote will come to them if the Lok Sabha elections are held separately.

However, once or twice I did think of dissolving the Assembly but then I felt that the credit or discredit of bringing down the government should go to the BSP. They should withdraw their support. With their withdrawal of support, the scheduled caste vote would consolidate.

Q.6. Earlier, the BJP had claimed credit for bringing the first Dalit government to power ?

That positive message has now turned negative. That is what we wanted.

Q.7. In its memorandum to the Governor while withdrawing support to your government,the BJP charged your government of corruption, among other things?

They can level whatever charges they want. But my one charge that they are a Manuvadi force will effectively counter all their charges.

Q.8. Do you think the BJP will retain its position in the State ?

It will not even get 15 Lok Sabha seats. We will ensure that it does not get them.

Q.9. How will you ensure that unless the centrist forces come together to prevent a division of non-BJP votes ?

If you look at the shift in percentages of the social composition of the voters you will realize. For instance, the SC vote which was only 23% of the total vote earlier has risen to 26%. Similarly there has been a rise in the OBC voter percentage. This is because the growth in population over the last 18-20 years is now getting converted into voters. The comparative percentage of the upper caste voters has declined. From 21%, I believe, it has now shrunk to 18%.

Now 90% of this upper caste vote will go to the BJP. Similarly, 90% of the SC vote will remain with the BSP. But the most backward caste votes (which includes 73 castes like Nishad and Mallas) which used to go to the BJP earlier and has religious affiliations with it, will now be divided between them and us. The MBCs have no conflict with the BSP. We made their representatives Ministers in the Mayawati government. Similarly, the backward castes will be devided between the SP and the BSP.

Q.10. Even then if the SP and the BSP fight separately, would not the BJP stand to gain ?

In the four and a half month that we were in power, we have prepared our anti-BJP vote to such an extent that it will cut into any advantage that the party thinks it will get from the splintering of the non-BJP votes. That besides we have already tested Mulayam Singh Yadav. You can test a person only once. He has betrayed us. You can’t allow yourself to be betrayed all the time. I have been betrayed by him several times. I would go to him to reform him and he would instead go the media and claim that Kanshi Ram has givem him a clean chit after he has given him Rs.25 crore. An innocent person like me had given him everything and he repaid me in this fashion, by talking like this about me to the journalists.

Q11. Will you think of having adjustments with some Party?

I can’tsay anything about any taalmel (adjustment) right now. I will talk about it about one before the elections. Until then I will concentrate on strengthening our organisation. It is on the basis of our strengt hand the strength of our organisation that we will talk to the others. We have increased our strength. I have recruited 70 to 80 lakh into our organisation during the four and half months we were in power. In fact during this period I have tried to build our jan adhar. Now we have to test this jan adhar-this popular base. For that, as I said. I intend to hold a series of melas and rallies across the country.

Q.12. Have you been in touch with the JD leaders after the BJP withdrew support from your Government?

I am in contact with everybody. One section of the JD is very happy with what has happened. People like Laloo Prasad yadav and Sharad Yadav are very happy. If I maintain that the BJP’s withdrawal of support was “good riddance”, these people go to the extent of saying it is a “very good riddance”. V.P.Singh is in regualr touch with me. UP JD leaders have been in touch with me. Then there is a section within the Congress which wants to have an alliance with me. Sitaram Kesari and Ajit Singh for instance.

Q.13. You said you would prefer simultaneous Assembly and Lok Sabha polls in UP but if the Centre decides on early elections in the State, how would it affect the BSP?

Early elections will also suit us. We have already established our strength. Now we have to prove it.

Q.14. When you meet the Prime Minister about a fortnight back did the possibility of the BJP’s withdrawal of support came up for discussion?

I met him at my initiative. I had to meet him with regard to this house. But this issue(about the house) has still not been resolved because the Principal Secretary A.N.Varma fell ill. I may meet the Prime Minister again when he returns from abroad.

Q.15. With the Assembly under suspended animation do you see attempts at horse trading?

That is for the Congress to consider. But I think that it is a procedural issue that until lit is approved by Parliament, the Assembly should be put under suspended animation.

Q.16. Do you think that some SP or BSP legislators may cross over to the BJP to help it form a Government?

My men will not break easily. And Mulayam Singh Yadav has so many that they would have to take away at least 43 to ensure a split in the party. That besides, while SP and BSP people can cross over to each other’s camps. I don’t think they will go to the BJP. Their mentality is against the BJP. They can perhaps, if the Congress helps them. But I think the COngress would be happy with Governor’s Rule.

Q.17. Mayawati is reported to have telephoned Mulayam Singh Yadav the day the BJP withdraw support from the Government?

It will be a big wonder if Mayawati is ready to go with Mulayam Singh Yadav.

Q.18. Have you spoken to him?

If there is anything of this kind voh mleri jan le legi (she will kill me). Donon ek doosre ke khoon ke pyase hain. Both Mulayam Singh and Mayawati thirst for each other’s blood.

19.THE TIMES OF INDIA 21.7.96

Q.1. Kanshi Ramji, you have struck an alliance with the Congress. Now what were the factors that motivated you to opt for this?

Because everybody is going in for an alliance. The people also motivated us since India has entered into the politics of alliance. The BJP has an alliance with other parties and the government itelf is one of alliances. When the people vote they don’t think which party will win or not but which alliance hahs winning chance.

Q.2. Why did you choose the Congress?

I chose the Congress because of its weakness. As long as the Congress was strong. I hated it but now it has become weak so its weakness has attracted me.

Q.3. Could you tell us a little more about this weakness?

Do you need more telling? We have an alliance in which we are contesting 300 seats and they are contesting 125 and in advance we have told them that Mayawati would be the Chief Minister.

It is only because of some weakness that they have conceded to all these things. Congress is a bigger party, it is an older party, it has been ruling India and uttar Pradesh since long then why should they accept the chief ministership of a new party like the BSP?

Q.4. You wanted a party which would totally surrender to your terms and conditions?

Yes, because of this alliance we are going to emerge as a new force to reckon with. I fell that the real polarisation in India would be on one issue: status quo versus change. The forces representing status quo have emerged in the form of BJP and the forces for change will have to emerge and this will emerge in the form of the BSP.

There will be two party system in the 21st century and we are trying to emerge as and build forces of change. A weak Congress can help us in this.

Q.5. But you had called the Congress A team of Manuwadis and it represented the forces of status quo?

Yes as long as it was the A team we hated it but now that it has become the B team we have started strengthening it.

Q.6. But it is still represented by the same leader and the same people are there?

I like Congress because of Narasimha Rao. I have liked Narasimha Rao since the last few years.

Q.7. Do you think that with this alliance you can bring down the position of the Congress even further and finish it off altogether? Does that possibility also exist?

No, we want to keep the Congress alive. It should remain as a hurdle on the path of the BJP. The BSP cannot become a hurdle to the BJP. BSP can be a hurdle to SP and Janata Dal and vice versa. But it is only the Congress which can cut into the BJP vote. So I feel it is my duty to strengthen the Congress to a level where it becomes a hindrance to the BJP.

Q.8. But the Congress got only eitht percent of the votes in Uttar Pradesh.

Wait for three months. We will bring Congress back to the level of votes of 93 and in terms of seats to the level of 91. We have adjusted the seats as per that scheme of things.

Q.9. You hope to transfer your vote share to them and hope that they will be able to transfer theirs to you?

Their votes may not come to us. I have told my people that don’t depend on the Congress, not even for one seat. I have told my people you have to win on your own but we will help the Congress and try to see that instead of the 28 seats they won in 1993, they should add a minimum of 50. They should be at least 78. That can be done.

I have seen that even today whatever the votes Congress has got, if BSP votes are added to that, Congress will win more than 50 seats.

After studying all the 425 segments I have seen that even if the Congress and the BSP vote does not increase at all, the Congress can go up to 60. My job is to see that it goes upto 80.

Q.10. I am unable to understand both your logic and mathematics because both numerically and politically speaking the eight per cent vote bank of the Congress is largely the upper caste vote bank which loves to hate the Dalits and Kanshi Ram Why should this vote bank come with the BSP only because Narasimha Rao has joined hands with you?

Kanshi Ram does not expect a single vote from the Congress. I am talking about the Congress and the benefit accruing to it. The number one reason I am having an alliance with the Congress is because the forces of status quo have emerged and the forces of change have yet to emerge. So how do we emerge? We will emerge by helping Congress. I wil go further.

First you have to be convinced that Congress will benefit. Even if whatever votes Congress gets, out of the 125 seats allotted to them if our votes are added to them… or do you doubt that I can transfer the Scheduled Caste votes for them.

Q.11. There is no doubt that you can transfer 20 per cent of the Scheduled Caste votes to them. But the Congress vote bank is reducing because they have joined hands with you. Still it does not help the Congress to reach the 38% of the BJP vote bank?

Congress need not reach 38. I am saying they may reach 14 or 15 per cent. My job remains to make them win between 80 and 100 seats. Once they win this and get 15 per cent votes, it becomes a competitor to the BJP. At the moment the Congress is out, it has been eliminated. But it must compete with the BJP in the Hindi heartland. If I can increase its quota of seats and votes, as compared to BSP it still remains weak. I feel Congress is a Brahminical party. The Brahmins have gone from the Congress for two reasons.

The Scheduled Castes have gone and the Muslims have left them. I used to tell my people, Scheduled Castes plus Muslims led by Brahmins is the Congress. If our vote goes to Congress we can take Congress 80 to 100. In this Lok Sabha election, we saw the difference between Congress and BJP is marginal. BJP got 160 seats, Congress got 142. If BSP has influence over Scheduled Castes votes all over India, we can help the Congress in the coming elections, they can get over 200 seats.

Q.12. Yoy are hopeful of an alliance with Congress in the next Lok Sabha elections ?

In the next election the BSP and the Congress should form the government at the Centre. And we will emerge by first having some state governments and then BSP must cross 100 members of Parliament. From 1, we become 3, and from 3 to 11 and from 11 we must emerge in a big way and have 100 MPs in Parliament. In this, the Congress can be of use to us.

Q.13. Are you looking at Madhya Pradesh to have an alliance there with the Congress ?

It will be all over India.

Q.14. Is Madhya Pradesh the next on the list?

I am not looking, they are looking.

Q.15. Are you nodding and saying yes?

I am nodding without saying yes(laughs).

Q.16. What is it that you would like to wait for ?

To have a better share.

Q.17. What about Punjab? Would you continue your ties with the Akalis ?

As soon as the Akalis went to Parliament, they went to the BJP. Even before the elections I had told them my position has changed. I consider BJP as the number one opponent of the BSP, as a force which has emerged on behalf of the Brahmins or for status quo but still they thought that the BJP would form the government and they may also join the government.

Q.18. But not so long ago, you had a different view of the BJP when you took their support to form the government in UP.

Yes, it is because of the BJP that we have emerged to some extent.

Q.19. At that time too it was as much a Brahminical party as it is today.

But it was weak as compared to the Congress. I am talking in terms of all India, it was much less and much weaker than the Congress. Our target is the Central Government. As far as UP is concerned, we were supported by the Congress in writing, suported by CPI and lastly by the BJP. All Brahminical parties supported us.

We took their support to advance ourselves and from 11% vote with alliance, without alliance we jumped to 21 per cent. That is the benefit we got. BJP was having an alliance with the Janata Dal, it finished the Janata Dal but BJP could not damage the BSP.

Q.20. Now that the Congress has agreed to take 125 seats in UP, they are keen that you share the rest of the 300 seats with the SP, the Janata Dal, the left Front.

Who told you this?

Q.21. This was announced by the AICC general secretary B.P.Maurya who said that they should try and have a straight fight between the BJP and the rest of the secular forces.

They would like that, but what would Kanshi Ram like? I have already told them that I am negotiating, not them. I am negotiating with the Janata Dal and whatever has to be given to Janata Dal will be given 50-50 from both the sides.

Q.22. You don’t see a situation where you might get eliminated and the BJP might come out on top?

I don’t think that can happen and BJP does not think so either. Had it been so, Vajpayee would not have spent one and a half hours here with me. He was keen that even if I don’t have an alliance with them, at least I should not have an alliance with the Congress.

Q.23. What about support from the Muslims. You have always taken a stance against the Muslims?

Muslims may not come with us. As long as we are majboor, but when we become majboot. Muslim will come on their own. The weak cannot protect them. I tried to convince them that you share power and on your own you become strong enough to face whatever injustice is done to you. But they say no, someone else should do it for us. V.P.Singh and Mulayam Singh said they would do it, and they said I should also give an undertaking that I will do it. I refused.

My job is to make the Dalits get justice so you can also prepare yourself. I can give you the opportunity to build your leadership, to have a share in the governance of the land. That way you can face your opponents on your own. According to my experience over the last so many elections in 1989 I gave 19 tickets for Parliament and 96 Assembly tickets to the Muslims and six MLAs were elected..

Q.24. There are reports that you are very heavily influenced by Mayawati that is why your alliance with Mulayam Singh Yadav could not take place. Would you like to comment on This?

It is not worth commenting on but since you have asked I will answer. My job in the Bahujan Samaj Party is of a different nature. It is not just a relationship between the president and the general secretary or between the President and others. It is also the relationship between a guru and chela.

In every state, I have a chela, some of them have improved a lot but Mayawati has improved the maximum. She has developed as a good speaker but her voice was troubling her. But after July 15, she will be fighting fit. So it is not Mayawati who has influenced me to announce that she will be the Chief Minister, it is my inner urge. Mayawati too was surprised when I announced this. It is my duty to make her the Chief Minister.

Q.25. So it is basically the urge to make Mayawati the Chief Minister that has stopped you from an alliance with Mulayam Singh?

This is one of the reasons though there are other reasons also.

Q.26. It is said that every time Mayawati went to see him, she demanded money as the price of her support to this alliance. How far as these reports correct?

I am hearing this for the first time from you. She never got a single paisa from Mulayam Singh. She got money through me. On October 14, 1971, I had taken the decision that if Kanshi Ram had to enter this mission, he must have no family, no property. If someone can prove that I have even a room like this anywhere in the world, I am prepared for the highest punishment in the world. Money has to come for contesting elections etc but for that I have my own system.

Q.27. What is the system?

I have my own currency, 100 rupee not, 500 and 1,000. These are the coupons. I issue coupons. And even before this elections I got Rs.70 lakh through coupons. Except five-six Scheduled Castes candidates. I have not paid a single paisa to any of the 85 candidates. I have to spend that money on helicopter and on my mobility.

Q.28. But again the same thing is being said about your alliance with the Congress. Congressmen are saying that you took a huge amount of money from the Congress for striking this alliance.

Politicians deal with such things. Because I am in politics, they think I work in the same way. Now they are talking of Indian money, long time back, when I was emerging as a force, they were talking of CIA money. Such questions were raised in Parliament during Indira Gandhi’s time too.

Q.29. History has shown that without bloodshed the real transfer of power has never been able to take place. Are you sure that the Bahujan Samaj can become the master of its own destiny without bloodshed?

If it is required, we must prepare for all the eventualities. After seeing this Lok Sabha election, I am preparing an army of 10 lakh volunteers in UP alone, Bahujan Raksha Dal, their job will be to enlist the voters. A lot of places, Scheduled Caste people are not listed as voters, then casting the vote-more that 90 per cent, and then counting the votes. And facing the consequences upto six months later. I am giving them a slogan-Bees tarik kiske naam, BSP ke naam BSP ke naam.

And if the eventuality comes for bloodshed we shall prepare for that also. But we would prefer to come to power through the ballot. Bahujan Samaj must become the ruling samaj of India. Whoever becomes the Prime Minister is immaterial. If position comes it will be used for the Bahujan Samaj. There will never be a scandal as far as Kanshi Ram is concerned regarding money.

SUNDAY 13-19/2/94

Q.1. What was the substance of your just-concluded three hour-long meeting with Mulayam Singh Yadav ?

We had not met for a long time so we had to talk about how he has been running the government and how he should be running it. I am very upset about the Allahabad incident. And we have been talking about how he should handle atrocities against Scheduled Caste people.

I have asked him to look into the Allahabad incident and conduct an enquiry into the incident. Already, four officers have been suspended. The officials there belong to the Scheduled Castes. They should be doubly punished.

Q.2. You had said that you would review the BSP-SP alliance after six months. How have you done so far?

I cannot say yet. I am yet to asses the alliance. We have our limitations. It was my desire to install Mulayam as the chief minister. But now he should deliver.

Q.3. You seem to be apprehensive about whether he Will ….

That’s because of the bureaucracy. The Scheduled Caste bureaucrats are not delivering.

Q.4. Doesn’t that defeat the purpose of reservations?

No it doesn’t because it benefits these people, their families. But they then become chamchas. I call them neo-Brahmins.

Q.5. Do you feel that today the backwards deserve more reservation than the Scheduled Castes?

Yes.

Q.6. How do you explain your support to a candidate like Jayant Malhoutra,who is not a Scheduled Caste, backward or even oppressed for that matter?

Mulayam had promised to get Malhoutra into the Rajya Sabha. He had been an intermediary and he told Mulayam Singh that since he had been his dalal-taking his messages to me and vice-versa-he should get a ticket. Since I didn’t want to get into a dispute, I desided to support his candidature.

Q.7. Jayant Malhoutra says he had a role in getting you and Mulayam together. What did he exactly do?

Who is he to get us together? From my side he did nothing. I didn’t want to get into an alliance with anyone. Malhoutra certainly didn’t have a big role to play. A lot of people think that they should approach Malhoutra if they want to meet me. I have known him for a long time; actually, not even so long. I first met him when the V.P.Singh Government fell in 1990.

Q.8. You have also stated that you are not interested in extending your alliance wiht Mulayam beyond UP.

Yes, that’s true. In Maharashtra I am talking to some local leaders although nothing has been finalised yet. In Andhra Pradesh I got a treamendous response.

Q.9. When will you be able to stand on your own?

For the time being, neither Mulayam Singh nor myself can stand alone in UP. That’s why we got together. Our purpose was to get the BJP defeated. Our next aim was to have Mulayam Singh on the chief minister’s chair. Thirdly, we wanted to serve a notice to the BJP at the Centre and check its growth in New Delhi. And finally, we wanted to sideline people like V.P.Singh, Chandra Shekhar and Ajit Singh.

Q.10. In that case why did you allow V.P.Singh to share the podium with you in Bombay?

V.P.Singh sent me a message saying he wanted to meet me. He wanted to attend my meeting and express his views on how we can do away with caste. I don’t regret calling him. In fact, even Narasimha Rao can come to my platform and so can Atal Behari Vajpayee or L.K.Advani. we need to know what they have to say. Let them strengthen our hands. What’s the harm in that?

Q.11. Nothing, except that people have been saying that you are an opportunist.

The Congress is supporting us unconditionally in UP. If they are prepared to support us unconditionally, I’ll take it I had told the Congress to get together with the BJP and the Janata Dal and form the government in UP. But they did not do so. The Congress said they would support me. I told them to do so unconditionally and they agreed.

What I told Mulayam after the elections was to form the government with the support of the Congress and the Janata Dal, and then continue to run it with the suport of the BJP. The BJP is afraid of elections. Today they have 33 percent of the votes tomorrow they may get only 23. It will be a big setback for them.

Q.12. So if you are prepared to have alliances with just about anyone, you still remain open to the charge of being an opportunist.

My fight is against Brahminism. If a Brahmin voter votes for me unconditionally, do you expect me to tell him not to vote for me? If you are a Brahmin and still vote for me, how do I become an opportunist?

Infact, you are an opportunist for voting for me.

THE PIONEER 13.12.96.

Q1. What are the chances of your joining forces with the Congress for the Punjab Assembly elections?

To keep Akali Dal and BJP out of power in Punjab, we feel it necessary to strengthen the weakened Congress. All alone, neither Congress nor BSP will be able to stop them. So there are bright chances of an alliance with the Congress.

Q.2. When will the allilance be announced-formally?

It will be after the first week of January. I had made a four phase programme for Punjab. The first phase was to awaken the people by addressing them in all the 117 constituencies. In the second phase, I am attending 17 conference of those castes whose representatives have been deprived of becoming an MLA or MP-the BSP may give them tickets for Assembly elections after watching their strength. In the third phase, I will ask them to stand for their rights and in the last phase, there will be ‘shakti pradarshan’ (Show of strength rally on December 29 at Ludhiana, to create a sense of realisation among them about their own strength. There after, we will start selecting seats. Much will depend on the date of notification also.

Q.3. You met with Congress president Sitaram kesri on Sunday night regarding the alliance.What transpired during the Meeting?

He(Kesri) was trying to convince me that the BSP should have an alliance with the Congress, otherwise both stand to lose and the Congress will not be able to form the Government in Punjab.

Our alliance in UP was expecting around 200 seats in the Assembly but we got only 100. The Congress won 33 seats and finished a close second in 41 constituences. It was quite possible for them to have won 20 seats more. Similarly, the BSP bagged 68 seats and came second on 93. It was quite possible for us to have won 30-40 seats more-which could have helped us to form the Government in UP.

He(Kesri) said, we (the combine) would be able to form the government in Punjab if we manage to get more thaen 60 seats. We are already having an alliancae with the Congress in UP. If the alliance in Punjab materialises, we may forge an alliance all over India for Parliamentary elections; so that we also stand to gain at the national-level.

Q.4. Are you convinced by these arguments ?

Yes.

Q.5. So, in principle, you agreed on a poll alliance in Punjab.

Yes. An alliance on sharing of seats.

Q.6. Alliance or seat adjustments.

Seat adjustments or alliance, it is not much different to us. Whatever policies the Congress is pursuing(in the State), we are in agreement with them. But why lack implementation. Because of our pressure, these will get implemented.

Q.7. Before the UP elections, the BSP projected Mayawati as the chief minister. What will you do for Punjab?

In UP, we thought if we announce the name of our chief minister in advance, it will be more advantageous. In Punjab they (Congress) are already haveing a Government. On principle, the chief minister will be from the Congress.

Q.8. If the alliance comes to power, will you also join the Government?

Yes. We’ll like to share power in the State.

Q.9. What do you foresee in the UP political scene?

There has been no substantial change in the political process in the last two months. So, I feel, there may be elections again in UP.

Q.10. Are the BJP leaders still in touch with you?

I am not directly in touch with either BJP or Samajwadi Party. There are some people in between. For the U.F. and SP, there is CM Ibrahim. For the BJP, there are some people who are close to the party and me also. It will not be proper for me to name them.

Q.11. What are the proposals from both these groups?

From the BJP camp. I met Advani and Vajpayee only once and had a three-hour discussion. I told them we can not afford to be too close to the BJP. But if without coming closer to us, they support us to form the government in UP, it will fulfill their desire: to weaken the Congress, Left parties and U.F. We told them (BJP) that an alliance will not be useful for either of us. If they want to support us, it will be from outside and unconditional, like the last time. They were expressing their difficulties on behalf of Kalyan Singh. Now they think, because of the court case, that this is the last chance for Kalyan. If the court does not give a favourable verdict, the BJP may tell him, it is high time you listened to us. The high ups in BJP are favourable to my suggestion.

Q.12. This means that if the verdict goes in favour of President’s Rule, Mayawati will be the chief minister with outside suport from the BJP?

That is possible. But what happens, when such a situation comes, just as the BJP is about to act-the U.F. reacts.

Q.13. Does this mean that after the BJP decides, the UF may also extend support to form the government?

Yes, they may. They are not acting: they are reacting. But then it will be up to us to decide. And we’ll see only at that time.

Q.14. Will it not be strange to have a government with support of BJP in UP and share power with the Congress in Punjab?

We will be having our own government in UP. We will not be having an alliance with any party. In Punjab, it will be a coalition government.

Q.15. The congress has continued its support to the UF Government despite their refusal to install Mayawati as UP chief minister. You are again heading for an alliance with them in Punjab?

There was no agreement with the Congress that they would withdraw support. There was only an understanding and that too with Narasimha Rao, that whether some government is formed or not, after the UP Assembly elections,they will withdraw support to the UF Government and within six months there would be fresh elections for Lok Sabha. Now it is not for Rao to decide. Kesri is the president. But Kesri is not in a position to decide. Because Rao is the leader of CPP and so there are many factors.

Q.16. Between Rao and Kesri, whom do you feel more comfortable with?

Both. But I had a liking for Rao because he helped me in my mission to destroy Congress.

Q.17. How long will the Gowda Government last?

It is very difficult to predict at this stage. Punjab elections will also set the pace. We are hopping for general elections in 1997.

Q.18. How do you compare the Gowda Government with the Rao Government?

Rao Governmet in its five-year tenure increased corruption, but this Gowda Government inherited corruption. Both are poor in terms of performance. A Government committed to the cause of Scheduled Castes is yet to come.

Q.19. There is much talk about Sonia Gandhi joining active politics. Will she be able to improve the Congress prospects ?

Congress people are trying to roppe her in to improve their chances. They may have to face opposition. I don’t think that she has a magic wand which will suddenly improve the situation. But she is still a craze for some Congressman. They are in search of an easy option. I don’t think this will revive Congress. They have to go the hard way.

THE PIONEER 12.12.97. (Ms.Mayawati)

Q.1. What will be BSP’s slogan in this election ?

We will campaign against two things: Corruption and criminalisation in politics. Both used to be the BJP’s slogans. But today they cannot claim either. In Uttar Pradesh, they formed the Government and inducted criminals as ministers. And defection has been the major theme.

Wherever they (BJP) have formed Governments – even at the Centre where they had a 13 day Government-they have given sanction to corruption in a big way.

The BJP has given space criminals and encouraged corruption.

The BJP talks of stability, All parties are talking abour stability and having an ideal Prime Minister. But why is BJP silent criminalisation and corruption. We have decided to exposed BJP and bring about these main slogan.

We want that till the we come to power at the Centre, here should be majboor(dependent) Government, not a mazboot (strong) Government.

A mazboot Government, where one party has absolute majority, is not in our favour. The Bahujan Samaj can only benefit when we form the Government at the Centre-a Government of garib and mazloom(poor).

A mazboor and dependent Government cannot harm the BSP. It cannot take major actions against us.

If there is a strong Government, it will not have any fear and exploit us. There will be economic exploitation too-exploitation in every segment of society. We will keep this issue in mind during this election.

Q2. Do you think there will be another election soon?

Of course. In this election no lparty will get absolute majority. The United Front Government fell in 18 months. The next one may last two years, at the most.

Q.3. The BSP is now an important factor in the elections. The Congress has shown keeness to have an alliance with you, particularly in Utta Pradesh, MLadhya Pradesh Rajasthan and Punjab.Your Comment ?

Before anything, we will observe the battle of other parties, particularly in terms of Samajwadi Party.

And whenever we decide on an alliance it will be done for the advantage of the BSP. We are keenly studying the pre-poll plans of the parties we intend to align with. What is the hurry?

Q.4. The SP is keen to align with Congress.

I have no knowledge about this. We cannot have any for of alliance with the SP.

Q.5. But what will be the BSP’s role if the SP joins with the Congress?

Then there will no alliance. We will isolate the SP in this election. We will marginalise them. We will ensure they lose most lof the seats they have.

Q.6. Will you not campaign on the issue of social Justice?

Social justice will contunue to be our main plank. But this time we have two other aspects-criminalisation and corruption.

We are also talking about social change and economic self dependence.

Q7. Do frequent election have any effect on the voters?

Of course they do. Buut the UF and the Congress should be thinking on those lines. We were not in the Government nor were we supporting it.

Q.8. What is your analysis of the coming election?

I don’t think any party will get absolute majority. Another coalition will be returned. It will also not last long, two years at the most.

Q.9 What are your plans about Bihar?

Yes we will contest in Bihar now that the BSP is a national lparty. We will give thrust to open our account in Bihar. We already have seats in the Assembly.

Q.10. Will caste play a major role this time?

What is so great about it? In every election caste plays a major role. It won’t be anything new this time.

However, the biggest deterrent is caste politics. Parties who claim to abhor casteism are playing the caste card in politcs.

And casteism is being played up by Brahmamanvad, of which the BSP is a victim.

Q.11 But when you formed Governments in UP, both the times, there were caste carnage all over the State?

That is all over India. Show me a State where there is no caste violence. Why are you only talking about BSP? Casteism has done the ‘beda-gark’ (damaged) of India.

INTERVIEW (ILLUSTRED WEEKLY, 8 MARCH,1987

Q1. Why are you so hostile to all the national parties, especially communists?

To my mind, all parties represent the forces of status quo. For us, politics is the politics of transformation. The existing parties are the reason for the status quo. That is way there has been no upward mobility for the backward communities.

The Communist parties have become the biggest stumbling block in this regard. They keep talking about change, but work for status quo. The BJP is better, they never talk about change. So people never feel duped.

Parties like the Congress and communists talk about abolishing poverty, but work towards keeping people poor. If the poor are not kept poor, these people cannot remain in their seats.

Q2. At this Congress centenary, Arun Singh said your emergence was not healthy for the national ethos.

He is the grandson of a maharaja who never kept the interests of the nation in mind. Nationalism to him is feudalism. Nationalism to me are the masses of India. I believe in the two nation theory: those who oppress and those who are oppressed. What does the grandson of a wretched maharaja know about nationalism? What can we expect from Arun Singh than such things?

Q3. Why is your cadre so hostile to Mahatma Gandhi?

Gandhi is the root of every-thing! I want change. Dr.Ambedkar wanted change. But Gandhi was the custodian of status quo. He wanted Shudras to remain Shudras. Gandhi worked to keep the nation divided. We are working to unite the nation and erase all artificial divisions.

Q.4. Why has your movement taken so much time to become a reality?

Up to 1971, I was not much interested. I was working with the RPI. Then I found I was marching towards a ship that others were deserting.

It took a long time to prepare myself and others. We had to collect a lot of information, so that we could know how to prepare society and build a cadre. Preparing society initially took a long time. Now we are moving at a tremendous speed. Next year when you meet me, you will ask me how we have acquired speed.

Q.5. How can you abolish Caste by floating a Casteist Body?

The BSP is not a Casteist party. If we are uniting 6000 Castes, how can you call us Casteist?

Q.6. I believe your party is off limits to the upper Castes?

The upper castes say why not include us. I say you are leading all the parties. If you join our party, you will block change here also. The upper castes can join the party, but they cannot be its leaders.

Leadership will remain in the hands of the backward community. My fear is that these upper castes people will come into our party and block the process of change. When this fear goes, they can join our party.

Q.7. What is your constituency ?

I represent the constituencies of Babu Jagjivan Ram and Chaudhary Charan Singh. And may be to some extent, Syed Shahabuddin.

Q.8. Politicians we spoke to in Delhi say that if the BSP gets too belligerent, they will finish you politically.

We will finish them. Because if Indira can be finished by a Chamar, are these fellows going to be saved? When we are 90% in the armed forces, 70% in the BSF, 50% in the CRPF and the police, who can do injustice to us? A general needs less bullets compared to jawans. They may have generals, but no jawans.

Q.9. Are you advocating an eye for an eye ?

Two eyes. I tell my follower EK eet ka jawab, do patharon se (you must retaliate for one brick with two stones), otherwise you are not my followers.

Q.10. So You are propagating violence.

I am propagating strength. To curb violence. I must have strength. Other than me, for instance, nobody can crush the Shiv Sena. Any time I came to Maharastra, I will finish them. The violence of the Shiv Sena will end.

Q.11. How will you do that?

Who are the members of the Shiv Sena who burn and destroy? They are four castes: 1.Agari 2.Bhandari 3.Koli 4.Chamar. They are scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and most backward communities. As soon as I touch Maharashtra, these people will instantly come with me.

Q.12. What make you think that the BSP with not end UP like RPI? Bargaining for power with the ruling party.

The RPI never bargained, it was begging. It never reached the status of bargaining. I remember in 1971, the party struck an electoral alliance with the Congress to contest 521 seats. The Congress contested 520 seats, the RPI contested one seat.

I love the RPI, but I hate being compared to it. It is like a cheap prostitute available at a pittance. As long as I am alive, this will not happen to the BSP.

We want change. We don’t want alliances with the forces of status quo. If a government cannot be formed without our co-operation, then we will have our own conditions, for change. We want fundamental and structural changes, not cosmetic ones.

13.Q. There are rumours that you met Haji Mastan Mirza at Gonda last November to solicit funds.

I have never met him anywhere. I have only seen his photograph. He may be paying other people, but not us, In fact he is being used against us, if anybody can prove that I have ever met him. I am prepared to face the highest punishment. Moreover, how much money Haji Mastan can have? He is a very small man compared to me. As far as funds are concerned. If I only have funds like Haji Mastan, how can I beat the Congress and other parties? How many crores can he give us?

Q.14. There is some mystery about the source of your Funds.

My funds come from various sources which will not dry up. My funds come from those people who produce wealth. The Bahujan Samaj produces wealth. I get money from them.

Lakhs of my people spend crores going to festivals like the Kumbh mela to improve their next birth. I tell them Kanshi Ram does not know anything about the next life. But he is an expert in the present life.

Those interested in improving their next life. I tell them, must go to the Brahmins on the banks of the Ganga. Those interested in improving their present life must come to me. So they throng to my meeting.

Q.15. There is talk of your being sponsored by CIA.

For so many years this government has been clapping about it. It distributed lakhs of pamphlets about this in Bijnore. But the result was that people became furious and could not be purchased. Babuji tried to purchase votes at Rs.1000 each. But even those who used to be purchased at Rs.10 turned him down.

And if I am a CIA man, why hasn’t this government taken any action against me? That shows it is a hijra(eunuch) government.

Q.16. They say you spent a lot of money on the Lucknow rally.

Rs.22 lakhs were spent on hiring the buses alone. But I am angry. It should have been Rs.22 crores. A time will come when people should spend Rs.22 crores on my call.

I don’t feel any dearth of money. If money is coming from a treasury, it will be extinguished. I am getting money from a perencial source of funds. I need only one crore rupees to win all the 542 parliamentary seats.

One day, voters will queue up to pay money to Kanshi Ram. The next day, they will queue up to vote for Kanshi Ram.

Q17. Some of your partyman have broken away from you.

You cannot keep all the people together. Some people may get tired. Some people may be purchased. Some may become frightened. This will be a permanent feature. It will not demoralize us.

I have created a method where in a given time if 10 people go away. We will produce 110 people of the same calibre.

Whom we dropped as dead wood, others are trying to pick up and burn a fire. They are trying to use them against us.

Q.18. You reiterate that you have nevertaken funds from a foreign source.

When I went to England two years ago, some people there are seven lakh chamars there offered me funds. I decided not to take the money, though Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Buta Singh had taken money, from the same source, the Ravidas gurdwara in Birmingham. They had given to Babuji also.

I was the only person who did not accept.

Q.19. What kind of change are you looking for?

I don’t want temporary changes. I am not prepared to attain what I cannot sustain. Let us attain whatever we can, but it must be retained and retained only by permanent change.

Q.20. And when do you intend to contest elections?

I will stand when there are 100 constituencies in India where I can get a walk over.

Q.21. How long will that take

Two years at the most.

CARAVAN,May(first)1987

Q.1. You met President Zail Singh recently over the issue of rigging in the recent by elections. What was his reaction?

The President, being a senior politician, was quite aware of this malady. I put before him all the facts pertaining to the rigging that took place openly in the by elections in U.P. I told him how the Provincial Armed Constabulary(PAC), theRailway Protection Force (RPF), and the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), openly tempered with the ballot boxes, affixing seals of the ruling party on the ballot papers while the local police looked on indifferently. On one occasion a State Minister was seen supervising the rigging operation.

On 23rd March, the people were allowed to vote only between 8 a.m. to 12 noon and after that what went on was sheer rigging. All our 16 offices were raided and over 1,000 trusted workers including 193 who had gone underground were arrested. The police and paramilitary forces used the maximum force in Patti (UP). The police bandobast (arrangment) came to a standstill in other areas of the State.

Women belonging to the backward classes were seen weeping at the polling booths. They were simply not allowed to exercise their franchise.

The by election in UP were a total farce. The Election Commissioner had not appointed any observer. There was no impartial supervising authority which could make its voice heard. The entire incident was shocking, to say the least.

You can do such a thing (rigging in elections) only once. You can’t do it over and over again. The police at the town level has a majority of members of the backward classes in it, who are emotionally attached to their rights. They have guns too. A crises may erupt if these things continue unabated.

Q.2.Are you then preaching violence?

Violence in the face of superviolence. If rigging continues, then I will have to form a “super-rigging force”. I will be left with no other choice but to resort to this extreme step. I am, though, at present trying out all constitutional means. I have approached the Election Commissioner. He has expressed his helplessness. I have called on the Head of the State.

If the Government checks rampant rigging, then I will be the first to welcome it. But if they fail in their duty, then nobody should blame us. We will not tolerate State terrorism.

Q.3. Why, in your opinion, have the backward classes been voting mostly for the ruling party until recently?

Only the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes have been voting for Congress. The have nots have been hoping against hope that a day would come when the Congress leaders would implement at least a fraction of what they have been promising to the backward people.

There is no dearth of good laws, rules and regulations for the protection of the backward community. But how they are implemented makes the difference.

For example, if a loan of Rs.5000 is granted to a member of the scheduled caste community, what ultimately reaches the poor fellow is not more than Rs.3000. The rest is pocketed by the middleman. Then the Government comes out with a subsidy, waiving off the amount paid as a loan. In this manner the middleman keeps filling his coffers while the downtrodden continue to remain in misery and poverty.

But the Backward community is now beginning to see through this game. In Hardwar, over 1 lakh SCs walked over to BSP. This walk-over in just one constituency means there is something seriously wrong in the ruling party’s priorities.

The BSP has in this manner not only hit the Congress party but, due to its emergence, the entire opposition in UP has vanished. We are emerging as the No.2 party in UP even when mass rigging in taking place.

I am organising the backward classes so that they do not remain helpless as they have been for centuries. I am organizing the most wretched people on earth who are to safeguard their rights.

We have representation in almost every walk of life from criminals and goondas to salutewalas (the police constables) and (the police officers). In the Army, which is entirely castebased, our strength is limitless. Over 90% of the man in the army belong to the backward classes. We have only to tell them that if they can safeguard our frontiers, they should also safeguard their own votes.

Q.4. The Army is above politics. Why do you want to incite the Army?

No No The Army, after all has not fallen from the sky. It is divided on caste lines. The Ramdasia community, to which I belong, contributes a large number of recruits to the army. The backwards have been contributing the maximum to the armed forces for ages, e.g., the Sikh Light Infantry, the Sikh Heavy Machine Gunners, the Mahar regiment are all full of backward people. The Yadavs, Kurmis, Kuchis, Mallas, Gujjars, Lodhis, Ahirs, all join the army in large numbers.

All I will tell them, is that it is not easy to steal their votes, the 30 crores members of the backward classes in this country, contribute over 9 lakh soldiers to the army. They must do everything to protect their voting rights.

Q.5. How?

We have several wings in our party. The Backward and Minority Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF) has taken up the task of creating an awareness among the backward people. Likewise, we have a wing of bhashanbaj (speech makers) and the slogan shouting wing. As I said earlier, a superringging squad is in the offing.

Q.6. Many belive that all the powers in the party are concentrated in your hands and that the BSP is essentially a one man show.

Our party is an all India organisation. One man can’t run the entire show. One has to be dependent on others to get money and to build up the cadre. Ours is the largest cadre in India. This has been the product of years of ceaseless effort of hundreds of workers who have contributed their mite, building it bit by bit, Even today the process of building the party has not been completed.

Our workers start mobilising from the village level, then slowly move up to block, district and State levels. Thus by no means is it a one man show. How can one man organise and fight elections spread over the entire country?

Q.7. It is often said that you do not allow other BSP leaders to get to the top and enjoy the limelight.

Up to 25th March 1987, even I was not in the limelight. Today while I am being interviewed by you. Mayawati (another BSP stalwart) is giving an interview to your sister publication (Bhoo Bharati). Others in Lucknow are doing their bit. I am not really happy over the publicity that the press is giving us. Though it has its utility, the party work suffers. The people tend to overestimate our strength. People have already begun to talk about the BSP ruling the roast in Haryana.If we do not meet their expectations, our image will suffer.

Even the opposition leaders have begun to woo me. The Janata Party President Chandra Shekhar met me. Karnataka Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde also desired to see me. I do not want to be disrespectful to them. So I give them a patient hearing.

Q.8. Why won’t you allow the upper caste people to join BSP if they want to work for the upliftment of the down trodden ?

They have already got so many parties for this job. But they have miserably failed to do any thing on this score. Had they done even a fraction of what was promised before the election times. There would have been no need for the emergence of the BSP. While all the parties are wanting to maintain the status quo, the BSP has become a historical necessity. We need change: Other parties tend to go in for cosmetic changes, we demand fundamental changes.

Q.9. How do you plan to dismantle and demolish the status quo?

We have already gone a long way in this direction. We tell them that for centuries together, there was a system which stood vertically. On its top was the Brahmin and the lowest rung the Chamar.

This was and is the biggest curse for India. We tell them that if they do not strive for equality, the upper caste will not do anything to mitigate the situation because it serves their interests. They are the beneficiaries of the caste system, hence they are little interested in doing anything for our uplift. But I am keeping the doors open for the upper castes to join as workers if they want to, but will not allow them to become the leaders.

Q.10. How do you view your party’s electoral prospects in the forthcoming Haryana Assembly election?

Haryana was not in our scheme of things. Because we thought we must concentrate in those States from where the largest number of MP’s return to Parliament, since in a democratic set up it is the Central Government that matters there are 542 MPs in the Lok Sabha. UP returns 85 MPs, Bihar 56, Maharastra 48, Tamil Nadu 39.

Hence we thought that when 2 districts of UP, that is, Gorakhpur and Deoria, return as many MPs as the total number from Jammu & Kashmlir, then we must make our presence felt in such areas, so that we are able to form the Government at the Centre at the earliest.

In Haryana, I have instructed the local workers to campaign. The Congress has a high stake in Haryana after having lost in West Bengal and Kerala and after doing poorly in the by elections of UP.

Just as in UP where the opposition has been wiped out, in Haryana there will be no third force beside BSP and the Congress I.

Q.11. What is your party’s position in other non-Hindi speaking states?

The BSP was first formed in Pune, Maharashtra, and later it spread to as far as Kanyakumari, But we, for the time being, are concentrating our attention on UP so as to catch the enemy by the neck.

Even a very high Government official once told me that we should not underestimate our strength in South India. People from the south no tell me that it will be nothing less than a walk-over there. I recently attended a DMK convention where I was told how backward classes there would be simply too happy to vote for the BSP. Probably because of this Hegde wanted to meet me.

THE WEEK (JUNE 12-18),1988

Q.1. What prompted you to contest from Allahabad?

The high-profile status of the battle, it is a prestigious one. It attracts a lot of media attention. In any case, in UP we are the number one power. The only alternative to the Congress.

Q.2. How you claim that ?

The vote bank; the vote bank of Dalits and minorities. UP has the largest percentage of backward class vote. We are 80 to 82 percent. This is called Bahujan Samaj.

Q.3. How can you say they are with you ?

The fight is more social than political. Our constituency consists of the victims of the system-15% of the population, the so called elite are the beneficiaries of the system. The remaining 85% are its victims. The 15% want status quo. I am organising the victims of the system.

Q.4. Where have you reached ?

We have emerged overnight, for almost two decades the media did not take note of us. After the Bijnore and Hardwar by elections, it was established that we have come to stay. Our biggest victory was that we shattered the credibility of the media.

Q.5. But you failed miserably in Haryana, you contested almost all the seats but could not win a single seat.

In Haryana our performance was not all that bad. We polled 2.8% of the votes. This was our first contest in Haryana. When we fought for the first time in UP in 1985 (the assembly election), we got 2.4% only. What happened after a year? In the byelections we registered a quantum jump. We are emerging from nowhere. In Haryana we polled so much because of the UP effect.

Q.6. Whom do you consider your immediate rival in Allahabad ?

Both V.P.Singh and Congress. Thakurs and baniyas will support V.P.Singh. Kayasthas and Brahmins will support the Congress. At present each would poll between 50,000 and 60,000. There is a total of 2.20 lakh voters, belonging to these communities. Not more than 1.5 lakh will vote. The position might change. There may be polarisation for either V.P.Singh or Shastri to defeat me.

Q.7. How would they make the final choice ?

It will be decided by Shankaracharyas, Mathathiptis, Vishva Hindu Parishad and the RSS. This is what they did in the last few years. Indira Gandhi used to manipulate them. Now the RSS is doing the same.

Q.8. But it is said that you have a secret understanding with the Congress, if that party cannot win, will it support you to defeat V.P.Singh ?

This is Indian Express propaganda. The Blitz, on the other hand, said just the opposite, that V.P.Singh would support me to defeat the Congress, earlier they used to call me the stooge of the Congress or of the opposition. Now they say the Congress and the opposition alternately as my stooge, which speaks of my popularity.

Q.9. What is the basis of your confidence ?

At 24 hour’s notice I can have a meeting of 10,000 people. My party has workers. For my election meeting at Tandon Park I had given a notice of 22 hours. Yet the turn-out was big. I always address minimum of25,000 people two times than that of V.P.Singh. The Congress conducted its first election meeting in a small hall with a capacity of a few hundreds.

Q.10. How long have you been associated with Allahabad?

For long, in fact, I am in touch with every nook and corner of the state. I have no family. I am on the move throughout the year. Since October 14, 1971 I have not attended a single social function marriage, death or mundan. I have not been sick even for a day since 1971. I cannot afford it. Till April 23 I was not sure that I will contest. I have created a vote force, the projection and the propaganda valour of the seat prompted me to take the plunge.

Q.11. What if you lose?

The question does not arise. If polls are held I will win. If rigging takes place, I will resist. This time the Muslims, Bengalis and even south Indians are going to vote for me.

Q.12. What is your attitude to religion?

I am against fundamentalism. I believe God and the sword are the twin weapons of fundamentalism. I tell people religion has no logic; God begins where logic ends. Most religions are irrational. They divide humanity. I am against it.

Q.13. How would you win over the Muslims?

They support me because they have no other choice. They are angry with the Congress for opening Ram Janmabhoomi, it happened under the present Chief Minister. He butchered Muslims in communal riots in Meerut and in Allahabad. He was instrumental in the Moradabad riots of 1980.

Arun Nehru, who forced Vir Bahadur Singh to open Ram Janmabhoomi,in now with V.P.Singh. Arif Mohammad Khan, who opposed Muslim women’s bill, is with V.P.Singh, Muslim hate him. That is why Nehru and Khan are not campaigning in Allahabad. Their presence will be resented. V.P.Singh cannot conceal his true identity. A man is known by the company he keeps. His most ardent supporters are the BJP and the RSS. Vajpayee and the Rajamata might consolidate upper caste vote for him, but not the minority votes.

Q.14. You say that you are against religion. But most of the Muslim grievances are of religious nature. How then can you hope for Muslim support?

I do not after them. The Muslim league has come on its own. The Muslim have no other go but support me. In UP anybody who speaks for the Congress is boycotted by the Muslims.

The Muslim league always wanted an alliance with me. I had told them. I have nothing to do with them. Leaders of Muslim organizations wanted to meet me. I refused to meet them.

Q.15. Still they are coming after you?

They have no following. They are not leading Muslim to Kanshi Ram; they are following the Muslim masses who are supporting me. That is the only way they can keep their leadership.

Q.16. Will it not alienate other section supporting You?

The Muslim want me to go to their localities and address them. Their leaders are eager to play a prominent role. I tell them not to support me openly. It will create problems. It is for this election. Once I win this, next time we will come in the open.

26.DECEMBER(15.12.1991) ONLOOKER/ SEMINER

Q.1. What do you attribute the polarization in our politics to?

Our politics is not polarised yet. I do concede that the process has begun but it is not complete. The Janata Dal is not finished though it is breaking up. We do still have multiplicity of parties with different ideology but two clear ideology of a centrist and rightist party are emerging. I feel that with these by elections the polarisation process has got accentuated. The results of our by elections will certainly hasten the process of polarisation.

Q.2. Do you think once the polarisation process is complete only two parties will remain at the centre?

Not two but perhaps only four or five-Congress, BJP,CPI,CPM and of course the BSP will always remain.

Q.3. Do not you feel there is a possibility that all the secular forces or parties will unite against the communal parties?

May be.

Q.4.Is a BJP the secular centrist parties kind of polarization emerging?

No.

Q.5. Why are you so emphatic? Don’t you think that the role of an effective opposition might pass to the BJP?

A You are over estimating them. They have already reached as high as they could of their political life. They have crossed their climax. I can predict that now onwards its a downhill climb for them.

Q.6. Why ?

Because as George Fernandes pointed out to his party, emotional issues like Mandal and Mandir are one time issues.They can be productive electorally only once. Then they lose their appeal. Because they are only emotional issues which do not affect our daily lives in any way. Can they improve the standard of living of the common man? No. So he may get carried away once but just as quickly as he get used by it, he forgets about it, then it is experiencing the same problem. How do they keep the mandir issue alive? In fact in the recent by election the few seats the BJP did wrest was only through the use of state power. Also the BJP can no longer boast of having power without responsibility. Now that they are standing on their own and will be judged by their own performance, they are in deep waters. The court judgement on the Ayodhya issue has gone against them.

Q.7. Have you noticed a change in the attitude of voters over the years ?

Yes they say Sab Chore Hai (all are thief)

And earlier?

Earlier they were having some hope from newcomers.

Q.9. So how do you interpret this change?

People have tested so many parties over the last 40 years and all have failed so they are totally disillusioned.

Q.10. Do you think it is an end of our democratisation process?

The disillusionment with the democratic process is more because of the purchase, stealing and looting of votes. And politicians are responsible this, particularly Mrs.Gandhi who became insecure of winning by fair means after 1977. Even Sanjay Gandhi was her creation after all.

Q.11. What is the solution ?

It is the duty of the people to fight back to save their democracy. They must save their daughter from rape. The people must identify the culprits who are denigrating their system and punish them.

Q.12. How ?

IF THE BALLOT FAILS, THEN THROUGH THE BULLET.

Q.13. The results in UP do not reflect that the BJP charisma is ebbing?

I am talking on the bassis of the results in UP. We are sure of winning in Bulandshahar but less sure of winning in Etwah. BJP should have been number four in Etwah but rose to number two. And they should have been number three in Bulandhashar had they allowed fair elections. But they followed the fascist course and misused the state machinery blatantly.

Do you know my results were declared the latest among all results in India. Counting began on the 17th morning at eight O’clock. By 2 a.m. on the 18th the seventh round was over and announced.

e14950

Truth

Kanshiram 1st part

Leave a comment Cancel reply

Share this:

Leave a comment Cancel reply