Kanshiram 1st part




     ANDREW  WYATT, the writer of this article  is  currently doing his post-doctoral work on the BSP at the  University  of Bristol, UK.


     The Bahujan Samaj Party provides a fascinating case study for the political scientist. The BSP  demands our attention because it is important for the political emancipation of the Dalits. It is also a useful lens through which to view the current state of Indian politics.


     There are a number of ways of explaining the emergence of the BSP. The BSP could be taken as proof of the rude health of pluralist  politics in India.  In the pluralist view, politics is an  arena in which a variety of interest groups compete for power and  influence. In the initial post-Independence period  the Congress  Party  persuaded the most important groups  to  conduct their business within the confines of the party.  This cosy state of  affairs  was  never likely to last and interest  groups were prepared  to take their chances in the wider sphere of  electoral politics. In this conception the BSP is simply the latest in a long line of parties representing interest groups that want to go it alone.


     This is a comforting scenario to those who prefer the US model in which the dilution of power and the  prevention of tyranny take priority over effective governance. It is  more distressing for those weaned in a British tradition emphasising strong and effective government. Though the truth of the matter is that Britain, especially in recent years, has become notable for strong and ineffective governments.


     The  pluralist  version,  for all  its  pedagogic  value, understates  the  complexity  of the Indian  situation. A more plausible account of Indian politics would examine the problem in terms of Gramscian hegemony. According to Gramsci, the dominant classes  never ruled society by mere coercion. Instead, the task of the ruling classes is to assert their ideological leadership, or  hegemony, and persuade the lower orders to believe that the existing arrangements work in their interests. Hegemony can be used to  explain the initial success of British colonial rule. The British then lost the ideological leadership in the face of the counter-hegemony launched by the Indian National Congress.    


    The  Congress  Party  was able to sustain  its  hegemonic dominance for a considerable period after Independence. However, it became increasingly clear from the mid-1970’s that the claim to ideological leadership was being  undermined   by   the counter-hegemonies generated by other social forces. The BJP has made the most coherent claim in recent years but it appears to be experiencing severe difficulties in sustaining its  ideological edge. No single party has succeeded in projecting a broad ideological vision  that could fill the space  vacated  by  the Congress. Nor does it appear likely that a  dominant  hegemony will emerge for a considerable time. Instead, we  will  grow accustomed to the  presence  of  several  leading ideological discourses in Indian politics.


    It is in  this context that the BSP has  projected  its claim for hegemony. If it is serious in its claim to speak for the Bahujan  majority of Indian society it could, in theory at least, achieve hegemonic status for its ideology. While this is an unlikely  prospect,  the BSP can claim to sponsor one  of  the leading discourses in Indian politics. In doing so  BSP  could become the  most  creative site of political thinking  in Indian politics.The BSP is ideally situated between the mainstreams of Indian political ideology. It is   not constrained by the conceptual straitjacket which hampers many of the Left parties.


     At the same time the BSP can press its claim in an earthy style while  avoiding  the  chauvinism  usually  associated  with religious  nationalism. This is not to suggest that its  virtue lies in a  bland middle-of-the road approach. The utility of the        Bahujan approach  is  that  the   straggle  for  emancipation  is understood  in social, political and economic terms. This is not  to suggest that there are no pitfalls in the road ahead. The BSP can learn  from  those  parties which have failed to  develop  an inclusive ideology. At the same time the BSP needs to speak for the entire Bahujan without compromising its special commitment to the Dalits.




                  Manyabar Kanshi Ram being in Pune-the center of Maharashtra witnessed the down-fall of Ambedkarite movement. In his scientific analysis of the Chamcha Age,he has focused on the fall of Ambedkarism from the first  general election  i.e.  1951 till 1980. By 1971 alliance between RPI and Congress, his all hopes of Ambedkarite movement  dashed into dustbin. Therefore, following  the advice of  Dr.Ambedkar i.e.’Political power is the  key to all social progress.’ He felt absolutely essential for the members of all oppressed and exploited communities to prepare themselves  for agitational and political action. In his monumental  work-the Chamcha age, he  has  put forward the  idea  of political action as a long-term solution. He wrote, “Today in India, we have 7 National political parties. All these 7 political parties are let by the Higher caste Hindus. They control the affairs of their parties in a manner to perpetuate high caste rule. Dalit-Shoshit Samaj is helpless in spite of 85% votes at their disposal. It is widely felt that we must  have our own political party. In the past some efforts  were made but without success”, Thus in continuation of his thoughts and action Kanshi Ram launched his own political party i.e. Bahujan Samaj Party at Delhi, on 14th April, the Jayanti day  of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, in the  year  1984.  The first  national  convention  was  held  at  Red  Fort ground, Delhi from 22nd June to 24th June 1984.


                              Bahujan  Samaj  Party  which  is  comprised   of Scheduled Caste(15%), Scheduled Tribes (7.5%), Other Backward Caste(52%),and Converted Minorities (10.5%), the  class  of 85% to 90% of the total  population.   This class in the victim of Brahmanical social order.  But on the other hand Brahmins(3.5%), Kshatriyas (5.5%),  and  Vaishyas  (6%)  are  the  beneficiaries  of Manuwadi  social order. To Kanshi Ram all other parties represents the Brahminical social order and hence they are  the forces of status quo. For Bahujan Samaj Party, politics  is  the  mission of social  transformation and economic  emancipation. Therefore Bahujan Samaj Party should not be misunderstood as a mere political  party. It is a mission, for   socio   economic transformation and cultural revolution. Bahujan  Samaj Party is Mass-Based, Broad-based and Cadre-based.























      “Social Action” says Kanshi Ram, should be  mild but continuous. To make it meaningful it will have to be wild occassionally, but non-violent’. Since the formation of  B.S.P., a political wing of of BAMCEF,  he has been successful in organising the Bahujan Samaj, to establish  their  supremacy,  with the hellp of various programmes  and election process. The issues  concerning the  Bahujan  Samaj were taken up at the  national  level  from  time  to  time, to educate and awaken the  Bahujan Samaj. These issues reflect the socio economic policies of  Bahujan  Samaj Party Till today  notable, following issues were taken up at the national level.



       Money is, however, essential for politics (ie) to  contest  elections, It is to be pooled only from our  own people. Money  will  destroy the  politicians  if they choose to do politics through ‘Money’.  Therefore, I give  importance  only to the Brain and not to the money. Our educated employees possess huge resources of both  brain and money.  Viewing this, we created BAMCEF(Backward and Minorities Class Employees Federation) to mobilise the resources of our educated Employees for the cause of the oppressed and exploited society.


       “Today, our educated employees  earn  Rs.3600/- crores  per annum.  Babashaheb Dr.Ambedkar expected  more service  from this very intellectual class in general and just  five  percent  of their earning  for  self  respect movement  in particular.  But the dream of Babashaheb did not  materialize. I observed this  lapse.  Hence, I arrived at a conclusion to organise these educated class and pool their brains and money.


       One percent of their earnings will work out to be  Rs.36/- crores.       Out of this,   27 crores is  sufficient for  our political action at the rate of 5 lakhs per M.P.seat. We  don’t  deal  more funds as  in  the  case  of  others”.




















     Year long Social-Action Programme (15th August 1987 to 15 August 1988) Congress(I) and its Government have announced a year  long program to mislead the poor people of  India on  this occassion of India’s 40th year of  Independence. With the misuse of Radio, Television and other forms of Media  at  its disposal, the misleading process will be massive and  disastrous  for the suffering  majority  in   India. All  other parties being led by the  High  Caste  Hindus  are not likely to take up the issue of low caste        majority   and  other  religious   minorities. It is   therefore, the bounden duty of the BSP to do something in this  matter BSP has decided to discharge this duty in  a  big way by taking up such issues through its 365 days non stop program from 15th August 1987 to 15th August 1988.


      The  program  will start unfolding itself  from 15th  August 1987. On 15th August 1987, the program  will be initiated in the form of a Dharna on the lawns of the ‘Boat Club’ on the door step of the Parliament, the premier democratic  institution of Independent  India. From there, it will be taken to every nook and corner of India. The following 5 points will determine  the parameters of the year long program:





     Caste is the curse of India and untouchability is the  product of the caste based social system.  Under the able  leadership of  Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, this evil effect  of  Brahminism was exposed to the  entire  world. Many struggles were launched against untouchability.  As a  result, the enlightened British Government was  moved.  Under   the  pressure  of   the  British  Government  the Brahminical  Leadership  was  forced  to  yield  and  the  untouchability   was   abolished  in   law  as  per   our   Constitution adopted on 26th January, 1950.


     Since  1950,  Indian Government had enacted  many laws  to mislead the untouchables and through dust in the  eyes  of  of the world.  But actually the  government  is  making  mockery  of  these laws.  As a result  today  the untouchability  is  abolished  in   law,  but  very  much prevalent in life.  The recent week long dharna staged by  the  Harijan  Sevak Sangh at Nath-Dwara in the  state  of   Rajasthan  is  an eye opener.  The ‘Bhangi  hain  Bhangi’ abuse of Nath-Dwara, liberally reported by the press must  have  aroused  the sense of shame, even of the  shameless Scheduled Castes.




      The down-trodden masses of India, especially the SC,ST,OBC are subjected to the most inhuman exploitation  in  todays India.  The daily report in  the press is just  tip of the iceberg of  inhumanity. The  worst  part of this inhumanity is that the police and the entire  state  power  is  always  by  the  side  of the offenders. When  the  victims  organise  themselves to struggle against the feudal inhumanity, such  organizers are  eliminated  with the help of the state.  The  recent murder  of Mr.Mahato the President of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha  in Jamshedpur by the Congress(I) goondas will add to the gaiety of the 40th Anniversary of the independence celebrations of the Congress(I) government.




     In  todays India, all the down-trodden masses  of India  are victims of injustice in one way or the  other. But the  worst victims appear to be the other backward castes(OBC). For SC/ST laws are enacted  but not implemented. But for OBC, there are no laws,  what  to speak  of implementation.  In spite of the Constitutional provision  of  Article 340, they are without  Recognition and  without Rights even today.  In this regard they  are 55  years  behind  SC/ST  today.  When  the  Congress(I) government is busy with broadcasting its achievements.




     On  the 40th year of Independence nobody  appears to  be  secure,  not even the Prime  Minister  of  India. State terrorism has  created various  varieties   of  terrorism. The worst victims appear to be the religious minorities. The recent incidents in Delhi, Meerut and the surrounding areas will prove the point.




 At the time of adopting the Constitution, Dr.Ambedkar  told  the  Constituent Assembly, on  26th  January  1950,  we  are  going to enter into  a  life  of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality  and social and economic life we will have  inequality. In politics, we  will be recognizing the principle  of  one man,  one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic  life,  we  shall, by reason of our  social  and  economic  structure continue to deny the principle of one man,  one value.  How long shall we continue to live this life  of  contradictions?  How long shall we continue to deny  equality  in our social and economic life?   If  we continue  to  deny  it  for long we will do  so  only  by putting our political democracy in Peril.  We must remove  this  contradiction  at the earliest possible  moment  or else  those  who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of  political  democracy,  which  we  have  so  laboriously built up”


     Since 1950,the government has taken measures to increase this inequality so that a minority could keep on ruling  over the majority. Now it is for the majority to take measures to secure equality. During the coming 365 days ‘Bahujan Samaj Party’ will struggle relentlessly to expose the mis achievements  and  the mischief of the Congress(I) government and other Brahminical forces.

                                                                     KANSHI RAM

                                                                  (PRESIDENT BSP)



     Manyavar  KANSHI RAM was born on the 15th March, 1934, in a Sikh family  belonging  to the Ramdasia Community  in  Punjab’s Ropar district in the village of Khawaspur.  His father’s name is  Mr.Harisingh. He  is the eldest of seven brothers and  sisters. He was studying  his  primary  and  secondary  education  in  his village school  and  passed  B.Sc  from  the  Ropar’s  Government College,  he  was  engaged to the daughter of a former MLA  from  Balachaur.


    In  1957,  first he was selected in the survey  of  India department,  but  he did not join there.  Then he  qualified  the examination  conducted  by  the   Difence  Science and Research Development Organization  of  India.  He  joined  the  Explosive Research  and  Development Laboratory at Kirkee of Pune in  Maharashtra as a scientist.


    In  the ordinance factory, where Kanshi Ram was  working, the management cancelled the holidays of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar Jayanti and Buddha Jayanti and instead granted for Tilak Jayanti and  an additional holiday during Diwali festival.  Due to this injustice against the  great  leaders of this country, the employes of  the factory agitated and one Mr.Dina Bhana who belongs to Rajasthan lead the agitated Ambedkarites was suspended from employment. By seeing this  injustice  and atrocious act, against the depressed class employee  and their leader, Manyavar Kanshi Ram roared and started fighting for Mr.Dina Bhana in court and  against the management of the factory to restore the two holidays after the name of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and Buddha.


    The agitation went fast due to the efficient  leadership of Kanshi Ram, as a result Mr.Dina Bhana was reinstated and both the holidays which was canceled by the management also restored.


    Here  the turning point started in the life of Kanshi Ram to think  about  the attitude of the management of  a  government  factory,  where  modern educated people are working in  the  high posts.  He saw the casteist bias in the mind of the people in the helm of the  society, which he did not experience in his earlier childhood or student life in his home state of Punjab.  He  left his service  in  1964 aiming to serve the down trodden people of this country.


    Then  Kanshi  Ram took up the study of the literature  of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, the biggest  destroyer of caste  system  after Buddha and  Jotiba Phule. ‘Annihilation of Castes’ by  Babasaheb influenced  Kanshi  Ram tremendously.  Annihilation of Caste  was the speech  prepared  by  Dr.B.R.Ambedkar for  the  1936, Annual Conference of the  Jat-Pat-Todak   Mandal  of  Lahore(Now in Pakistan), as he was invited to preside over the conference.  But this speech  was not delivered, owing to the cancellation of the conference, due to his views unbearable to some organisers,  of the conference.


     The  man  with  full  faith  in  Ambedkarism  make  total commitment to the cause of depressed class of this country and he   took the following decisions.


  1.          I will never marry.
  2.          I will never acquire any property.
  3. I will never attend any ceremonial function

                     be it a marriage, funeral or a party.

  1.          I will never visit my home.
  2. I will devote and dedicate the rest of my life

to achieve the goals of Phule-Ambedkarian        movement.


    After  pledging his life for the noble cause, he conveyed his decision  to  his  mother  through a 24  paged  letter. His marriage engagement was cancelled.  Till today Kanshi  Ram  has upheld his  pledge. Thus Kanshi Ram still a man without  family and property. This is the self evident case of  his faith, devotion, dedication and determination towards the goals of  his  movement. The two great men in India, who are comparable with Kanshi Ram are Bhagawan Gautama  Buddha and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. Their contribution   towards   development of humanity is unparalleled  in  world history. Kanshi Ram did not even enjoy        family life  and he has fully dedicated his life to the cause  of the neglected  mankind  of India and abroad.  Some  parties  with  vested interest  always  criticized him and the movement of downtrodden people.


   After the sad and sudden demise of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar,  his lieutenants  caused the setback to his caravan.  His  lieutenants  could not even keep the Caravan stand still there where Babasaheb left it,  it  has slipped its way back and almost crashed.  As a result the  Brahminical Social Order and its guardians took  full advantage. They  use the leader of depressed classes for  their own purpose  and  has  make the poor as more poor  and  rich  has became more rich.


   From 1952 to 1967, the Scheduled Castes  Federation  or Republican Party of India was recognized political party in Maharashtra and Punjab.  Thereafter  internal   quarrelling, fractions and fragile leadership resulted into non-existence of Republican  Party of India, and now a days this party has  become  the weapon  in  the  hands of status quo forces. They usesome people, and  after they through them in the dustbin and take some new one for their purpose.


   After  left his service and cut up from family  relations for the cause of annihilation of caste system, Kanshi Ram started working with  Republican  Party of India, the party conceived by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and founded  by his disciples, on  3rd  October  1957.  Near  about  eight years he was working with RPI, then  he became disillusioned with its functioning. His  dream of Ambedkarite movement was completely shattered when a section  of the RPI joined hand with Congress for a petty Pandharpur reserved seat.  This point proved to be a beginning of parting of ways for him.  Thereafter he started  independently to organise the        employees  of  Backward Classes mainly from Pune, Bombay,  Nasik,  Nagpur and  Delhi. Under  his dynamic leadership in  1973  some   employees  assembled  in  Delhi  and formed  an  organization  of employees  of  backward class and Religious  Minorities. BAMCEF  i.e.  The  Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation took birth  on  the lawns of Boat club in Delhi on 6th  December, 1978, after  a  long five year struggle. His careful thoughts, conducted experiments,  deep desire and evolved concepts  helped him to reach the goal.


  1. BIRTH OF DS-4


    Kanshi Ram in his historical book, “THE CHAMCHA AGE”, (An Era of the  stooges)  published on 24th September,1982, on the occasion of 50th Anniversary of the Poona-pact,  has  vividly exclusively  dealt  with  the disadvantages of the Chamcha  Age.  According  to him, ..  after the sad demise of Babasaheb Ambedkar        in 1956 the process of Chamcha Age accelerated so much that today these tools,  agents  and  stooges of the High Caste  Hindus  are found in abundance, not only in political field but also in every field of human  activity and relationship’. He explained it as        under:-


  1. A) Caste and Community-wise Chamchas.


   1) The Scheduled Castes – Reluctant Chamchas.

   2) The Scheduled Tribes – Initiated Chamchas.

   3)The Other Backward Castes-Aspiring Chamchas.

   4) The Minorities – Helpless Chamchas.


  1. B) Party-wise Chamchas.
  2. C) Ignorant Chamchas.
  3. D) EnlightenedChamchas or Ambedkarite Chamchas.
  4. E) Chamchas of the Chamchas.
  5. F) Chamchas Abroad.


    He launch a program of social action to challenges  of  Chamcha Age i.e. D-S4(Dalid-ShoshitSamaj Sangharsh Samiti) took birth at Delhi, on 6th December, 1981.                Kanshi  Ram, having understood Babasaheb’s message in the right perspective,decided to combat the challenges of  Chamcha Age, as it  killed  the  Ambedkarite   movement.  To  solve  the problems  of  chamcha  age  successfully, after  scientific and systematic study, he splitted the programme into three parts.


  1. To meet the challenge of the chamcha age.
  2. To put an end to the chamcha age.
  3. To usher in bright age.


     Thus to Kanshi Ram, Social Action as a short  term solution was found necessary to meet the challenge of the chamcha age.  The  planned  social action was commenced with the help  of three wings  of  DS-4 i.e. Ladies, Students and Youths  in  the        following manner:


  1. Ambedkar Mela on Wheels:-


    To remove the ignorance about the life & mission  of Dr.Babasaheb  Ambedkar,  in  the surrounding states of  Delhi,  a social action  in  the  form  of  Ambedkar  Mela  on  wheels  was conducted for 2 months, all around Delhi covering 9 states.  This        helped to  create an awareness in the people about  Dr.Ambedkar’s  mission.


  1. Denunciation of the Poona Pact:-


    An elaborate programme of denunciation was conducted from 24th September  to  24th  October 1982, starting from  Poona  and  ending at Jallunder. This created a new awakening in the masses  and focussed attention on the chamchas.


  1. People’s Parliament:-


Since  chamchas  could  not represent the  Bahujan  Samaj faithfully, DS-4 launched people’s Parliament in Delhi, on  25th December, 1982. From Delhi this action phase was carried to all the corners  of the country, discussion and debating the problems of Dalit Shoshit Bahujan Samaj.


  1. Miracle of Two Feet and Two wheels:


    To conduct an experiment of minimum resources and maximum output, 100 cyclists left Delhi on 15th March, on the birthday of Kanshi Ram; 1983 and toured the neighbouring 7 states, during 40 days period  covering  a  distance of 4200kms. By  this  social action phase  Dalit Shoshit Samaj learned not only how to compete        but also to defeat the ruling castes successfully.




    The  untouchables(SC/ST)  and  Ati-Sudras (OBC)  and  converted Minorities from these class were not entitled for education and services required for the governance of the people and the country. The father of India’s Social Revolution Mahatma Jyotirao Phule revolted against the unjust  social system and initiated the process of educating  these people in 1850.  On 26th July 1902 a Sudra (Kurmi) Maharaj, Sahu Maharaj of Kolhapur initiated the process of reservation in government  services by way of granting 50% reservation for  this        Backward people.  After a prolonged struggle, in 1932, Babashaheb Dr.B.R.Ambedkar  got  recognition  and reservation for  the  then  untouchable castes.  As a result of further struggles, he got all the rights  for the SC/ST and Article 340 for the OBC, written in the constitution of free India, in 1950.  Thus, we see, that as a result of  the  struggles  launched  by  Maharaja of Mysore, Babashaheb  Ambedkar and Periyar E.V.Ramaswamy, the process  of reservation was evolved over the years.


     We  believe  in the dictum of Babashaheb Ambedkar that a representative Government is better than the merely an efficient  Government.


      Only a representative Government can secure justice  for  all the sections  of the society.  It should be very much so  far  our caste  ridden society – a creation of Brahmanism.  It is only through a  representative  government  we can have  a  reasonable share in  the  growth and development in a planned  economy. If only the  officers  of the savarna castes plan and execute  those plans for  the  Backward castes, the backwards, cannot  grow and cannot develop.   that is what is happening after the exit of the British from India about 50 years ago.  It is the main reason for the stunted growth of the Backward Castes.


    The situation can be remedied only through a representative Government. In the present circumstance, it  can be done only throug reservation. The evolutionary process of reservation was resisted  by the Savarna’s from the very beginning.  In 1932, Gandhiji through his coercive fastforced ” Poona Pact” on Babashaheb Ambedkar.  50 years later  in 1981-82, during the Congress rule in Gujarat, the home state  of Gandhiji, the reservation for SC/ST were severally  attacked. During  1985, the reservation for SC/ST/OBC  and  the converted  minorities were attacked in a very big way, resulting in removal  of the Solanki Ministry and the reservation for these communities. Now  it  is part of the history to  be  remembered greater detail.


        Pro-Reservation Movement:


      To meet the challenge of the Anti reservation movement of the Savarna  and  the  anti-reservation policies of  the  Central Government,  it was decided to build a “Pro-Reservation Movement” on our own.  On 10th and 11th of August 1985, about 500 activists        from all  over India were invited to Delhi.  During those 2 days, it was decided  that  BAMSEF,  DS-4 and the BSP, though  a  joint effort should  sponsor 5 Seminars and 500 Symposiums through  out the length and breadth of the country.  During the last 3 months, big strides  have  been made towards building  a  Pro-Reservation  Movement all over the country.


        Now “Dharna” at Parliament:


     After creating a pro-reservation climate all over India, now BAMSEF,  D-S4 and BSP have launched a pro-reservation  Dharna at the lawns of the Boat Club at the door step of the Parliament.  The ‘Dharna’  will be continued all through the winter session of        the Parliament. The  Dharna will seek to fulfill the  following objectives:


  1. To invite attention of the Hon’ble Members  of  the  Parliament,  towards the need of reservation for all the socially  Backward castes of India.


  1.    To  inform  and educate all the  socially  Backward castes about the entire evolutionary process of all the varieties of reservations  at  different  levels,   different  places   and  different varieties of the Backward Castes.


   iii. To inform and educate all the  socially  Backward castes about   the  fact,  such  as,   who  fought  and   secured reservation  for them, who opposed and hindered the  evolutionary process of  reservation for them, who should fight now and how to fight etc.  etc.


  1. To inform and educate the SC/ST. people about  the non-implementation of the reservation for them.


  1. To inform and educate the SC/ST.  people about  the direct ways  and  methods  adopted  by  the  States  and  Central Government  to deny reservation for them even while keeping it on the paper.


  1. To inform  and educate all the  socially  Backward Caste employees  about  their  responsibility   and  role,  while learning  big lesson from the so called savarna castes employees of Gujarat and elsewhere.


   vii. To  highlight the fact that reservation is  not  a matter of  jobs, but a matter of participation in the  governance  of the country in a democratic system adopted by us.


   viii. To inform and educate the OBC people  about  why they are  without  recognition and rights even today whereas  the SC/ST people getting it in 1932 and over the years later on.


  1. How to get recognition and rights now.


  1. About the need to get the Mondal Commission report implemented.


  1. To educate our savarna brethren about the need for reservation for all the socially Backward castes to  make  the country rich and self reliant.


   xii. To impress upon the government that   theanti-reservationists attitude to the Central Governments and some state Government  is not in the interest of the country.  Keeping  a massive  majority  of the people poor and deprived  amounts  to keep the country poor.


  xiii. To impress upon the government that     non- implementation of the reservation for SC/ST and  non- acceptance of the Mondal Commission report for OBC can be the interest of  the savarna and their government but how can it be the interest of  the SC,ST,OBC and the converted minorities. When it is  not in the interest of the backwards, they therefore, should not be expected to keep silent for all the times.


   And many  more  such other objectives  can  be  realized through the 32 days duration Dharna at Parliament.

                                                       Kanshi Ram




    On  15th  August  1988, along  with  Bhartiya  sharnarthi Andolan,  Kanshi  Ram launched, Bhartiya Kisan Mazdoor Andolan. After the exit of the British from India the anti people policies and programmes,  willfully wrong agriculture policy of the caste Hindu rulers  of India has created the army of landless labourers and kisans’. Kanshi Ram stated in his pamphlet:


    “Today, in our vast and vacant land about 1/3rd of  our kisan community  is  landless  kisan.  Today, we are a helpless witness to strange agricultural policy.  On the one hand millions over millions  acres  of  land  is lying vacant  and  crying  for cultivation, on the other hand many millions of landless kisan or marginal  kisan are crying for land to cultivate.  But our rulers are forcing them to cultivate land of others and for others’.


        In his pamphlet he also emphasized on the following issues:


  1. Deceptive Kisan Organisations.
  2. Need for New Relationship.
  3. Need for change in India’s Agricultural policy
  4. Need for Planned Migration.
  5. Need for Real Kisan-Mazdoor Andolan.




     Indian Society is a caste-ridden society, Manuvadi social order has divided the Bahujan Samaj in more than 6000 castes as a part of their  conspiracy.   The conspiracy is that  they  should never be  united  against their exploiters.  In the past  Bhagwan Buddha, Mahatma  Phule, Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj, Periyar Ramaswamy and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar  struggled for annihilation of castes. This incomplete task of annihilation of caste has been taken  up  by  Manyavar  Kanshi  Ram, in the year 1986 by  conducting  Bhaichara  Banao Andolan  and  in  1993-94  by the ‘Jati  todo  Samaj  Jodo’ Andolan. This  Andolan has been launched on the Mahaparinirvan day of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar i.e.  6th December 1993.  Under this programme  massive rallies  were held in Bombay, Hyderabad, Patna,  Calcutta and Ahmedabad along with local program’s in the country.


      Besides  these  Andolans Bhartiya Safai-Mazdoor  Andolan,  Bhartiya  Dastkar  Andolan and Bhartiya Bhagedari Andolan, were conducted  in  different  parts of the country.  The  prime  moto behind all these andolans was wage a struggle for:


  1.              Self-Respect.
  2. Liberation.
  3. Equality
  4. Annihilation of Caste.
  5. Economic emancipation.


    Kanshi  Ram says:  “All human beings are equal, so there should be no compartmentalization.  I want for India all that the  rest of the  world  enjoys in as  much as human rights are concerned.   Let the Brahmins be around, but let not there be any        castebased  ‘superiority’  or ‘inferiority’.  Now, in a  vertical structure  there  is  a hierarchy of the top 15 percent  with  85 percent slogging  away  at the bottom, split up into over 6,000 castes. So they are called minorities.If these 85 percent are united as a Bahujan Samaj they would become the majority and this would bring about equality as the system  would  then  become horizontal”.


     He  has  told  his people that his ultimate  goal  is  to capture power in social, economic and political as Babasaheb said that political  power as a key to all social progress.  If Social Transformation  and  Economic Emancipation can be achieve by  the  Bahujan Samaj  then his fervent ambition to topple the Brahmanism will be success.


      As  Kanshi Ram says, “No economic system be it communism,capitalism, socialism  or liberalism can succeed in India  until Brahmanism holds sway“.


     India  is a country of diverse castes, races,  religions, languages  and  cultures.  Despite these difficulties Kanshi  Ram has succeed to bring a unity among the divergent groups of Indian Society. This is the most significant political development. In Indian politics,  the  calculation of caste factors always  works underworld and its beneficiaries are the so called elite classes. Now the calculation has changed totally.


     Kanshi Ram is of the opinion that,”Indian politics  is caste based  and  not issue based, and the numerically inferior Brahmins have ruled the roost for too long”.


     Kanshi Ram is a passionate personality, about the  need for the true  liberation of the Bahujan Samaj, consisting of  85% of India’s  total population and its divided into more than  6000 castes.   From the very beginning of his missionary movement,  he has stressed  more on the unity of the victims of the Brahmanical social order, so as to end the BSO.  To achieve this, his efforts has been  aimed  at building the supremacy of Bahujan Samaj,  the majority  of society, as opposed to the hegemony of the  minority class, (Brahmins-3.5%, Kshatriyas-5.5% and Vaishayas6.0%).  He has declared  his  fight against BSO, the prime cause of  India’s suffering. By his  organizational skill and strength he has  proved that,  without him and his super strategy, social and   political  scenario in India is incomplete.  Therefore it has now passed days when his remarks were treated as  sheer  demagogy.


       Today  he is not only the dynamic and able leader of  all oppressed  people in India, but for millions, his words represent the guiding philosophy of their lives.


       Once some social workers went to meet with him in his  office.  They described  him  the  behaviour  of  our  educated   employees  towards  the social work, and asked him to give  them  advice how  to tackle the situation.  Then he explained them  how   the people behaved with him when he left his job and started work for the society. He  recalled  that  some of  his  old  friends closed their  door when they smell that Kanshi Ram is coming  to their house.   Some time they locked the front door of the  house  and hide  inside  the  house and poor Kanshi Ram came back as  a disheartened  man. Now a days those friends  are  sending  big wishing cards,  New Years cards, and I have no time to see  those colourful  cards.   Our  people  abide those  who  have  power,  therefore we should try to capture power.


       Kanshi  Ram  recalled that in 1984 or later when  he  was travelling  with elephant symbol in Cycle with other cadre fellow then the  street  boy of Uttar Pradesh called him as mad man  has come to show  elephant (Pagol aya hathi thekhane) please go away. Therefore  he advise his followers not to dishearten  by  the  behaviour of our own people.  They were servant in a very  long time so it will take some time to change their mentality. Now in Uttar Pradesh  Kanshi  Ram  is  a  most  powerfull & respectful politician. He is the messiah of crors of down trodden people of this country.


       In 1993 he explained why he was supported Congress. He said that Babasaheb told that Congress  is  the   original  brahminical  party  but if it die then the savarna supporters  of Congress  will  be support the BJP or other savarna  party, they  will not support BSP and then BJP will be stronger and it will be   very difficult  for  the  BSP  to capture power  at  the  center. Therefore  Congress  must be alive and BJP also must  alive  then only BSP can gain power.


       On  16-11-1996,  the members of the  Harichand  Guruchand Sewa Sangha,  New Delhi celebrated the 150th birth anniversary of Shri Guruchand  Thakur  in Chittaranjan Park (EPDP  Colony),  New  Delhi.  Sangha  invited Mr.Kanshi Ram to inaugurate the  function  and he agreed.  He knows the position of our community in Bengal, that once before independence our community leaders were able to  help to win  Babasaheb  in the constituent assembly from  Bengal, its muster mind  was Mr.J.N.Mondal former law minister of        undivided  India. All India delegates of Matua religion  greeted Kanshi Ram with great honour for his  outstanding  contribution towards the social upliftment of down trodden people of India.


      On  this  auspicious occasion Kanshi Tells, that we  must respect our  greatmen  all over the country and  implement  their ideology  in  our day to day personal life, otherwise we will  be left behind. He recalled the famous Guruchand Thakur’s advice to  his Nama community in Bengal.  As Guruchand Thakur told  “Jiska raja Nai, Uska Saj Nai.  Jar dal nai, tar bal nai (Those who have no king, they can’t dressed themselves. Those who have no Party,  they have  no strength) Therefore Kanshi tells the audience  that we want to  fulfill  this goal for the upliftment of our  people. Later he  came  to the house of Mrs.Kanika, of G-1320,C.R.Park for dinner. During dinner member of the Hari Sava told him that the  Hari Mandir  priest has put some red mark on his forehead, so now he is looking  like a Hindu priest. He instantly replied that I can’t see  anything  what  is on my forehead.  Then  all  laughed hearing at his apt reply.


      Today  he is not only the dynamic and able leader of  all oppressed  people in India, but for millions, his words represent the guiding philosophy of their lives.


      Kanshi  Ram  feels pain to see the status of  reservation when Government  statistics shown in 1984-1985 in Parliament even after 38 years of Independence.  A table placed below:-













                                             Table –  I

      All figures in %(percent)

Sl.No. Class Population Politics Education Govt. service Business Agr.Land
1. Brahmin 3.5 41 50 62 10 5
2. Khatriya 6 15 16 12 20 80
3. Vaiysa 5 10 17 13 60 9
4. Sudra (OBC) 52 8 11 5 6.5 4
5. SC/ST 23 22.5 5 6 0 2
6. Minorities 10.5 3.5 1 2 3.5 0


Table – ii


Sl.No Caste 1925 1982 1989
1. Brahmin 3 70 75
2. Khatriya 40 7 3
3. Muslim 35 3.5 1
4. British 15 0 0
5. SC/ST 0 8 5
6. OBC 0 2 4



        Last 50 years no Cabinet Sectary was from the depressed class, only 3 Supreme Court came from these class. What is the reason behind it? The answer must be find and make suitable remedy.














      The Home Minister of India, along with the Chief Minister of Bihar,  The General Secretary of the AICC, the Social  Welfare Minister  of Central Govt.  and many other MPs and dignitaries of the Central and State governments and the Congress Party, visited  the village of Bihar, where the low caste and  landless  kisans were being killed by the high caste feudal Lords.  The purpose of the visit  and  its announcement on radio and Television was to tell the low caste people of India that the Government of India has become sensitive and concerned about such killings of the low caste landless  kisan by the highcaste feudal lords. The purpose of the Health  Minister’s visit  to the slums  and  Jhopadis  of  Ahmedabad  was to mourn the dead and to console the people dying of Cholera epidemic in the slums of Ahmedabad.


      A  few  days back when the Prime Minister came  from  his foreign tour  he  rushed almost straight to Nand Nagri and  other trans-yamuna  slums (New Delhi).  As per government announcement   more than 300 people died in those slums as a result of the stink and cholera epidemic. To express sympathy with the dead and dying slum  dwellers,  he  suspended   officers and transferred another 2 or 3 concerned administrators.


      Now the question arises who are these people being killed and terrorized  in the villages of India and becoming victims  of epidemics in the slums and Jhugi-Jhopadi of the Indian  cities. They are  one  and the same people, the original inhabitants of         India, degraded  as  low caste by the invader Aryans who  created  Varna-Ashram  Dharma and caste system to perpetuate their rule in  India.  During the last 41 years they were harassed, tortured and  killed in  the villages.  As a result of this harassment about 10   crores of them had been forced to leave their villages and  have became refugees (Sharnarthi) in their own homeland.


      Why 10 crore people become refugees in their own homeland during 41 years period of Independence?  After  the exit of the British from India, the High Caste Hindus become  the  rulers of India. High Caste Hindus, being  a small minority  decided to perpetuate their rule over the  large majority of the oppressed and exploited Indian, known  as  the  Bahujan Samaj.


     To   fulfill  their  design,   they  began  to  formulate anti-people policies and  programmes.  The  willfully wrong agriculture  policies  is  the outcome of such a  design  of  the present rulers. During  the last 41 years of their  rule,  they kept us fooling  by their talk of land reforms.  As a result  of        these land reforms, the number of landless kisans have increased 3 fold. Today,  in our vast and vacant land about 1/3rd of  our kisan community  are  landless  kisan.  Today we are  a  helpless witness to  a  strange  agricultural  policy.  On  the  one  hand   millions  over  millions  of acres of land is  lying  vacant  and crying for  cultivation.   But  our rulers are  forcing  them  to cultivate  land  of others and for others. This willfully  wrong agricultural policy, without breaking the feudal structure, have    given rise  to a new feudal class in the country side.  Today, a huge Kisan-Mazdoor community is being crushed by the collusion of feudal, neo-feudal, the police and other administrative  forces. Today, the  main  news  from our villages is of  injustice, atrocities and terror. 41 years back, the Brahminical and feudal forces got  independence  to commit atrocities and create  terror for the Kisan-Mazdoor  community. 41   years of injustice, atrocities and terror and dependence have forced 10 crore people to leave their villages and land in the slums of the cities.  Now people have become refugees  in their own home  land.   What a tragedy ?








     Besides these 10 crore sharnarthis, there had been other sharnarthis in the past. There had been  about  50Lakhs sharnarthis from Pakistan, other sharnarthis from  Burma,  Sri Lanka and  Tibet.  The Government of India had rehabilitated them  honourably and successfully.  But the same govt.  is reluctant to do anything for these 10crore sharnarthis of  Indian  origin. During 1987,  about 5 thousand people from Amritsar came to Deshi as a result  of  distress  migration. Government of India…  welcome them  and  spent  Rs.5  crores and  30  lakhs  for their rehabilitation in 1987 itself.  The same Government is doing much more for  them  in  the current year of 1988. Why these double standards and discrimination?  It must become a grave concern for us, for those who are discriminated against,  because the discrimination is on the basis of caste consideration.




    1987 was the international year for housing.  The Government of India is greatly involved in international affairs. During this year, government might have severed many grants  in the name of the slum dwellers and Jhugi jhopadi dwellers of India  (i.e) the  10crore Bharatiya Sharnarthis.  The Government  might  have given  a rosy  picture  of   their performance to the international community.   But actually did nothing for  the  rehabilitation  of  these  10crore sharnathis during 1987, the  international  year  for housing.  Thus the Government  had  been fooling at  both ends, the international community abroad and the 10crore sharnarthis here in India.




   The responsibility of rehabilitating these 10  crore sharnarthis is of the government. We can make the following  3  suggestions:


  1. Government of India must correct its willfully wrong agricultural policy to check distress migration from the villages of India. The policy  change  must   be  from  pro-feudal to pro-kisan.


  1. If  there has to be migration from the villages to the cities, it must be a planned migration. At any rate it must  not be a forced migration as of today.


    iii.   For those already 10 crore migrated  people,  the government  of  India must create rehabilitation ministry on  the same pattern as it  was  created for those  50  lakhs  refugees  (sharnarthis) who migrated from Pakistan.




      As told earlier, the Prime Minister and the Government of India is  giving  the impression that they are now concerned  for us.  But  as  we  see  them the Prime Minister and his other ministers are only running here and there without doing anything.  Perhaps they  are holding that the organization and the uprising of the oppressed and exploited  Indians   will fizzle out automatically, with the passage of time.


      But it is our duty and responsibility  to  make  them understand  that  our organization and uprising is not a  passing  phase.  On  the  other hand it must improve and develop by  leaps and bounds  in  the  coming days and months. Only our resole towards this  end  will force the government to work for us.   By our performance  we  must impress upon the govt.  either to  work for us or be prepared to be kicked out of power by us, the crores and crores of oppressed and exploited Indians. Kanshi Ram BSP National President.




    Reservation  as  originally conceived was for a  strictly limited period  in the Parliament and Legislature Assemble. This Parliament  and legislature reservation must go now because  this  reservation  is  not  useful for the downtrodden people. As  at  present without  reservation in this area can be make  accessible for the dalits.  So now reservation in this area will only create some parasites  in the society.  Even now most of the reservation beneficiaries  in  SC/ST’s  are not bothered about  their fellow unlucky brothers  and  sisters who are the most  under-privileged  among themselves. The few literate among SC/ST’s are more cruel than the  Savarna people to behave with their poor dalits.   Some don’t even  want to disclose themselves as dalits, as people will identify them.


    Reservation  process in the other area is still necessary to uplift the downtrodden and in this process merit will come out from amongst downtrodden and it will run the country  smoothly. True patriotism  will  also  rise. It has  been  observed  that majority of public in this country could not franchise  their choice freely.  If they get chance they will show their merit.


   There were some controversies as why Mr.Kanshi Ram called  doctors from  America  to clear his artery in heart.  Could  not reservation  produce  any good surgeon to operate him? Now  the same question  is  can be ask to other, that even today after  50 years of  Independent  the so called Savarna creamy layer of the  society could  not  produce  any  good surgeon  leave  aside  the reserved  few. If so why all VIP’s and VVIP’s are  on  frequent visits outside India for their treatment ?


                Therefore  it is not fair to criticize reservation  until and unless  you  can  annihilate  caste  system  which  has  even infected  the  foreign religions also.  We Should not blame  only reservationist.   It is creamy layer of savarna who are  teaching this dalit students.  Is it not the fault of teachers not to give  proper teaching to the students ?







     Last  50 years in India crores of ruppes has been spent to teacha particular  language for the educated people, though some of them are welversed in some Indian language as wl as International language? What is the use of this?


       What  is  the  ultimate achievement of  this  language   policy? India 45% of population knows this particular language. Then why government  spent so much money for this particular language. It is sometime  wastage  of money,paper, time and energy  in  the government  office. What a fun is going on?  A  man  can  do anything  by a language which he or she knows provided he is well educated.


     The  Government  has failed to give the  child  education compulsory  as  a  result 60% of countries  population  specially children  are  still  illiterate after 50 years  of  independent. Village position  has  become worse then ever before due to increase of population etc.


                Therefore, I think it is first to give education to the poor children  of this country in their regional language then a educated  person will be able to select which language he or she        should learn to move the world.


                Educate, Agitate, and Organise if anybody want to gain his or her right.




     We  are  loosing talent, education, service,  and Property  position which were earn by dalits by  availing the reservation facilities. The  cream  eater and blood sucker of dalits  has  found a new way to suck the very blood of dalits by using  matrimonial  relationship against them.  It is an old way  in new fashion.


     When a dalit marriage a Savarna, he/she becomes        conscious of  his/her  identity, they  always kept  themselves  away from their own community.  Because  they fear that  they will be identified by their own community as well as  Savarnas.  Savarnas are happy to gain by this way.  They  some time become happy if they can arrange  a marriage between an  well educated  and  good  salaried  settled spouse.  This formula works against the spirit of Ambedkarism. As these people will follow their  master after taking all facilities as a dalit.


                Dr.B.R.Ambedkar’s  2nd  marriage with  a  Brahmin  doctor was  a different case, he never got any  education or job facilities through reservation.  He fully followed  the constitutional   provision  and    registered   their marriage  and  converted his wife to Buddhism,  and  they never followed  the  code of Manu of Hindu religion.   It was the dream  of  Dr.Ambedkar to make probuddha  Bharat. But our present  time  dalits  after   marriage  with   a  Savarna,  become a new Brahmin class and sell themselves in the hands of Manuwadies.  This process is a very  big obstruction  in Babashaheb’s mission.  These people never look back  to  their  society  from where  they  got  the  benefits.  Which should be the basic condition to avail the reservation facilities.  The   basic  concept   of  humanism  become  senseless  when they come under the influence of Manuwad.  As once Babashaheb told  “Hindus are not merely  unsocial but antisocial”.  What make  the Hindus antisocial?   It is only Manuwad.  Educated dalits become a  slave  after marriage with a savarna.  “If  the slave enjoy  their  slavery then no body can  save  them” said by V.T.Rajshekar (Editor Dalit Voice).




    What  preventive  measures we can take to  arrest  the inflow  of  this kind to safe guard the  interest  of dalits.  Here I may kindly suggest some points to improve the position  of  dalits,  keeping  in  view  the  future reservation policy, and keep it preserved for dalits only  as follows:-


  1. Those dalits who have taken the  reservation facilities in education from the quota and also selected for job through reservation, they should surrender their caste certificates  to the authorities concern and should not take  any  further  facilities  on the basis of reservation.


  1. All dalits must submit their spouse’s  caste certificate  to the office at the time of declaration of marriage to get further  reservation  facilities  from  office, when they are going to change their nominee etc.


  1. It must be mandatory for all dalits to leave the properties for their own community which is earned by availing reservation facilities  by  themselves,  their parents or any other relative.


  1. Once dalits has savarna spouse, that means he or she is  not  a  dalits, they become  equivalent  to  a  savarna. They are not eligible to avail any  facilities which is exclusively reserved for the dalits.


  1. When  some  body   thinks  the  amalgamation through matrimonial relation. They immediately become a  part and  parcel of their higher counter part and no  way need any  facility or spacial care as it need for dalits as mentioned  in the constitution of India.  Their mental as well as social status become higher than the so called savarnas. When they have get free access to the  higher varnas, then  and  there  they  are a free  man  of  free society. Then  why  they  will   avail  or  enjoy the facilities which is specially reserved for the dalits ?


      Those  who are not bothered to improve their  own society from where they have come then how they can think about helping  to  progress the entire society? These self centered  cheaters  can only think about their  self enjoyment. They are the betrayers of their own society, where their 95%  population stays.  A  marginalised  and isolated people can not help the society.


        It  will be best for them to leave all facilities and properties  in favour of a dalits who are not so much enlightened as they are otherwise legal action would  be taken against them to save the interest of dalits.


        They  must  leave  their job  acquired  through reservation as it is a share of dalits.  They must sit in an open competition  like  others  whom  they  accompany, because they  think that they are more advanced than first a dalits  must  arrange  their matrimonial relation within their own community for their upliftment then only they can think about   the amalgamation of the entire society.  No lapse  in  this context should be excused.


         In our country many cases of atrocities still go unreported because of fear of reprisals from perpetrators of crimes  and the refusal of the police to register such complaints. While many victims of social discrimination are forced to accept the brutal social reality, others resisting the inequitable social order bear the brunt of retaliatory violence.


       There  is no use passing more laws or revision of constitution  if the police keep playing footside with the violators  of  human  and   constitutional  rights of a privilege  section of the people.  Despite laws SC/ST are facing problems  because  culprit are  going  unpunished. They must  be punished who done anything wrong in case of fail to implement  the  reservation  policy or  done  any crime against  any SC/ST’s.  SC/ST’s atrocities act  must be implement all over the country.  It is very correct to say that  it  is  no  less   important  to  prevent   the  Brahminisation of Dalits. It’s creates a  new  Brahmin  class among the dalits who forget their own community   after availing all facilities.


       Our  saviour  Dr.B.R.Ambedkar said ”  Whatever  I have been  able  to  achieve,  is being  enjoyed by the educated  few, who with their deceitful performance, have proved to  be worthless lot, with no sympathies for their downtrodden brethren.”


       “If the slave  enjoy the slavery no body can save them”.  The Hindu tricks regarding Harijan Sevak Sangh,  Babashaheb said ” The whole object of the sangh is to create a slave mentality  among  the  Untouchable towards their  Hindu masters”.


        Therefore  this  slave mentality are  responsible for all humiliation  of present day Dalits in India.   Only  .1% are reading  the  DV or other dalits journal. Then what can  we expect from this  Reservationwalas? What is the  reason  for  such a dismal record  of  slave mentality ?


  1. Most  of well paid employees of quota  don’t take part  in  any  dalits matter, because  they  are  in matrimonial  relation  with  the  savarna  and  ready  to handover anything as per their savarna masters direction.


  1. Rest of the employees are busy to enjoy TV & Bibi and some are working for their self interest only.


      That  is why Kanshi Ram has also give up the idea to organize the educated dalits. As it is  wastage of time. A few scattered employees are working  hard to over come all kind of disabilities, but it is  an impossible task,  we are disheartened enough to see  the position.




  1. All kind of reservation facilities must  be cease, if  anybody  fail  to submit  their  spouse caste  certificate  in  the  office  within  a  month of their marriage.


  1. compulsory subscription policy should  be  maintain  in  all  offices   under  the  dalit  employees associations. Which should be empower to look after the welfare of dalits.


       There  may be more suggestion about the matter if it is a debate. Some reservationwalas has become  very active after  different  DOPT  of  GOI  &  Court  verdict against the  reservation  in  Promotion.   Now  they are agitating in  Delhi. Once these people were  not even ready to  heard  the  dalit  cause, now  they  are in forefront. What does it mean?




        Propose  opinion  “Quotas  harmed   the  IAS”  by Mr.S.K.S.Chib on 15.3.95 in the Times of India published in response to  J.B.D’souza’  short  article  “Selection Tests are no measure of Merit”. Mr.Chibs   opinion “Reservation quotas which sacrifice Merit  and  higher maximum age  of entry to the civil Services  Examination, general social malaise in which traditional values of integrity etc. has been sacrificed for short term gains etc.” It  is very easy to calculate that a country,  with the population  of  90 crores and its literate rate  near about 35%  of  the total population. Therefore  the  so called Merits  come up from a very small number of  educated  people.  Extraordinary meritorious student can calculate it  but can not understand the logic. Before talking about  merits, we have to give EQUAL facility  to all the citizens  of free India to test their merits in a fair and   free  competition   without  considering the students’ origin. Then only the actual merit  will  be come out. When  Education was the monopoly  by  certain caste and it was a punishable crime to study or hear and by cutting off of the tongue or by pouring of molten lead in the ear  of the offender in last 4000 years. If these ill fated  people get some human rights through the reservation  to come up.  What is wrong ?  Now we have to think about  Babasaheb’s warning that “it is a matter of opinion whether a foreign bureaucracy anxious to maintain the status  quo  or a native aristocracy with its  narrow  caste consideration  can be a better protectorate”. When U.P. Chief  secretary  was transferred, so many hue  and cry was made  but  when Sukumar Mallick the then Chief secretary of W.Bengal transferred by communist Government no body was ready to take up his case, and that too was only few days before his retirement.





      After  the successful Russian Revolution of 1917, even the  talk  of Russia like Revolution has  evaporate. The Communist Parties of India created   various organization including some organizations for the Kisans. These kisan  organizations  kept  singing  songs of the Russian Revolution and how that revolution brought relief to the Kissan  of Russia, But in India, they did  exactly the opposite of that.


      When  the communists came to power in West Bengal they forgot  all  their  songs   and  slogans.   Forcibly evicting  the  tiller  of land from Morijhapi  and  their other activities  has  gave us food for thought. Here I have quoted some example for pen the eyes of downtrodden communist of India.


      Ananda Bazar Patrika published an  advertisement        on 17-5-1993 regarding recruitment a  Reader  in   the        Department of Geography, University of Calcutta (Esst.        1/93). Educational qualification required for the post was (1) Best  teaching  experience in life  carrier.   (2) Doctorate, Reacherch works in the field and at least 10years experience as a professor. (3).preferable to sc/st candidate  with  the  above  mentioned  educational qualification.


       As  per scheduled an interview held in the office of the Vice  Chanchelor,on  8-12-93.  It is surprise that without required qualification the interview board select Mr.Ranjan Basu of Burdhaman University for the post of Reader. On 14.12.93  the  Syndicate  also  approve  the selection.


      Mr.Basu’s qualification was H.S. 60.3%, B.A. 60.1%, M.A. 61.3% and five joint publication and  total 10 publication in his carrier, without Doctorate  Degree. He is a relative of a CPM leader.


      Mr.Ashish Sarkar another sc candidate’s  educational qualification is H.S. 66.1%, B.SC.  70.5%,M.Sc. 74.2%, two joint  publication   with  total   20 publication  and Doctorate Degree. He secured presidency prize 1976,National scholarship holder 1976-1980, State scholarship  owner  1984,he stand first class  first  in B.sc and  M.Sc  in Calcutta University, secured Jubelee prize, Subrata  Sen  Gupta  Medel and Gold Medalist. Including all this qualification Dr.Sarkar belongs to SC category.


       At  surprise Dr.Sarkar was not fit for the post of Reader in Calcutta University.


       Dr.Sarkar informed the matter to the  President        of India, Vice President, SC/ST commissioner,UGC        chairman,  Governor  of West Bengal, Vice  chanchelor  of Calcutta University, DPI and some others.  At last he has file a suit against the selection in Calcutta High Court. Case is pending Now.


       So  now  we have to think where we should go  for get justice!!! (11/12, 14/12 and 16/12/93 the news was published in Ajkal, Vartaman.Statesman daily news papers.)


       In  another  example MS PADMAJA MANDI,  a  tribal final-year  medical  student of the North Bengal  Medical college, is in the throes of a nervous breakdown after withstanding years of relentless harassment from upper caste fellow students and staff.  Ms.Mandi was compelled to seek police protection in March after powerful student lobbies allegedly threatened her when she tried to resist        harassment by the hostel administration.


       In  Ms.Mandi’s case, from the very first year  of her enrolment at the North Bengal Medical college,  she was heckled  by fellow students as “Sonar tukra” (A piece of Gold) used for ST .”Sonar chand” (Golden Moon) used for SC in  Bengal  which  is under communist  rule. The rulers self  claimed that there is no castism in  Bengal. But how far  it  is true ?  Ms.Mandi’s identity as  after the students  found  out that her father  Mr.Chittaranjan Mandi, was  a Jharkhand Mukti Morcha leader.  The Hostal        superintendent’s order to Ms.Mandi to vacate her room and move in with junior students on the eve of her FINAL year examinations came  as the last straw.  Over  the  years, Ms.Mandi  has been forced to share her accommodation with junior students,  sometimes  even sleeping on the  floor when beds  were  not available.  The attempt to disturb Ms.Mandi during  her  final year examinations  has  been condemned by 19 Scheduled Tribe organizations that met here on 12th  April  94.  Demonstrations have also  been staged at Siliguri   to   protest against Ms.Mandi’s ill-treatment. The incident bears an eerie semblance to the mental  agony  that pushed another  scheduled tribal girl, CHUNI KOTAL,  a   post graduate student of anthropology to commit suicide two years ago. Ms.Kotal was constantly  reminded by a section of her teachers at the Vidyasagar University that she belonged to one of the        “Criminal tribes” and her efforts to get educated  would be useless. After Chuni Kotal’s case, now Ms.Mandi in a poignant  letter her parents has proclaimed that she will not be another Chuni Kotal. The name has become synonymous with oppression and torture of the schedule tribes striving  for  equality with the upper  castes  in Bengalee  society. Some people will  make  deregoratory statement  when Kanshi Ram come to bengal to protect  and liberate the  oppressed from the hand of  Brahmins  communists  or  Higher caste communist, this communists will published  all their gotra, Jati etc in the  purpose of there matrimonial columns.  In another case , In South  24-Parganas  district,  Ms.Yyotsna Sardar filed a  police report after  she  was allegedly stripped and paraded  in public some  time  ago.   Incidents  of  torture  against tribals, especially  women  are  on  the rise under communists rule in West Bengal.  According to a statement issued by 19 organizations working for the  rights  and welfare of the  scheduled castes and scheduled tribe in  the state.


      Depressed  class  in  Bengal were  only  able  to uplift when  uncompromising  leader Harichand Thakur  and his son Guruchand  Thakur  started  a movement. Due to their service our community  produced  first dalit magistrate  on 1907, Mr.M.B.Mallik.  After qualified with a Bachelor degree he was denied any job in the Government office on  that  time.   Latter  Guruchan  Thakur  had  a meeting with  the  Governor General of Bengal,  with  the help of Dr.C.S.Mead   an   Australian missionary and convinced him to appoint Mr.M.B.Mallik and some others in government office.   Even then savarna’s in  Bengal  were protested  against their appointment. So for us Guruchand    Thakur is savior not any body else.




     Once  I  heard a story from a  noted  Ambedkarite        that a British  Journalist  in Pre-Independent  time  was interested  to  interviewed Mr.M.K.Gandhi, Md.Ali  Jinnah and Dr.B.R.Ambedkar.He  wanted  to  meet one by  one  for appointment  for interview.  When he talked to Mr.Gandhi, he replied no, I have no time for interview, please.  But the Journalist  knew that the politicians say like  that, then he pressurized  to  Mr.Gandhi and requested him for any time and got appointment at 11 p.m.


       Then  he  turned to Mr.Jinnah for the same  cause  and Jinnah  also  told the same thing as Gandhi  and  the  journalist pressurized to Mr.Jinnah and he also agreed to interview at night 11p.m. then the journalist agreed.


         Later  he  went  to  meet  with  Dr.Ambedkar.   He  found Dr.Ambedkar  is  busy in reading books in his library room. The journalist  requested  Dr.Ambedkar for his requirement he  agreedand told,  yes, you can come at any time, I am here, I will  meetyou.  The journalist told him the timings given him by Gandhi and Jinnah.  So he was also agreed to interview at 11 p.m.


          As  per time fixed the journalist went to meet Gandhi and found him sleeping when the journalist requested him to get up and give interview,  Gandhis  guard  refused  to  do  so.   Then  the journalist went to meet Mr.Jinnah, as scheduled but found Jinnah also sleeping  and  when the journalist requested Mr.Jinnahs guard  to call him  for his pre appointed interview. They also refused to do so.   Disappointed journalist came to meet Dr.Ambedkar  and found he  is  in  his  library room and busy  in  studying. The Journalist  relaxed and through his question to Dr.Ambedkar.  His 1st question  was that sir, I found Mr.Gandhi & Jinnah is sleeping at 11 p.m. and you are still awaking and studying.  What is the reason ?


       Dr.Ambedkar  replied,  Yes,   Mr.M.A.Jinnah  is  sleeping because his  people  has  awaked  and Mr.Gandhi  is  sleeping  as Mr.Gandhi’s  people has awaked.  But my people is sleeping so I am awaking.  What a philosophical reply, it was ?


       Regarding  BC’s not joining with the SC/ST.  I am crystal clear that BC’s will be the loser.  As Babashaheb done lot for SC and made  constitutional provision i.e.  Article 140(1), for  the OBC.  Now  it  is the duty of BC leader to conscious their  masses, Still the SC are forefront Mondal supporter but they have nothing to gain or loss by Mondal.  Savarna’s will project some stooge to demise the  OBC cause.  Now you see in UP SC/ST has more  IAS/IPS officer than  OBC  though  OBC constitute 52% of  population  and SC/ST are  25% only.  But due to a large number of SC/ST IAS & IPS the administration  can run effectively.  It is due to Babashahab blessing  not  anybody else. No God was came to  uplift this depressed  class  people  before   Guruchand  Thakur,  Phule  and Babashaheb.


      Dr.B.R.Ambedkar categorically said in his essay        annihilation  of  caste that the name Hindu itself  is  a foreign name  given  by  the   Muslim  to  identify  them  separately.


       In  all  over Bengal Muslim’s and the Nama’s  community were majority  in population.  So why they will be interested for division  of  their motherland?  When the upper castes  in  Bengal started swadeshi   movement  to  boycott   the   foreign   goods. Gurucharan  Thakur told that my community never used the foreign goods then how can we boycot?  Those who used the foreign goods they could do it.  We are busy for our daily livelihood.  We are so poor and hated by  the  savarna  hence  we can’t associate  with  them.   If anything  happen  after the movement the cunning savarna will  be tell all  bad  was happen for the misdeed by us. You  can Change  the religion if you need human treatment.  Change the religion if you want to organize, secure  liberty  and   equality.   Change  Hindu religion  if you want to lead happy domestic life” Koran can give the religious equality in Mosque but not in social equality.




     MUZAFFARPUR,Sept.22,98 Babasahed Bhimrao Ambedkar Bihar University  has decided to introduce a new  subject on “Ambedkar  thought”  both at degree and post graduate levels from the current academic session itself.


     University  sources  said  that a  committee  for        formulating courses of study headed by Dr.B.N.Rai, Pro-vice Chancellor has been constituted. Other members of the committee are Dr.D.N.Mallik, Dr.Ripusudan Srivastava,  Dr.Vishnudeo  Prasad  Singh  and  R.Birendra Kumar Singh, representing history,    philosophy and sociology departments. The introduction of this new subject was  mooted by the Tirhut division  commissioner, Mr.A.K.Biswas  soon  after  taking  over  the additional charge of vice-chancellor,  it may be noted.


      The university  is also seriously considering  a  proposal to start teaching in sociology at post-graduate level.  Sociology is being taught at degree stage only in the local Nitishwar College.




      On  5.7.94  in your paper (HindustanTimes) an article name “To  each his Ambedkar”  by  G.N.S.Raghavan.   The   writer  tired  against Ambedkar. As Dr.Ambedkar  said  that ‘All  countries  intellectual  class helped  to  improve their respective down trodden class  of  their country  but  in Indian intellectual class has become dumb and intellectual class of India has prostitute their intellectuality towards down trodden.  Savarna intellectual of India was never open supporter of Ambedkar and Mr.Raghavan  has done the  same  to write that Dr.Ambedkar strongly condemned the “Quit India”  movement  of  Congress.  Babashaheb was  clear  his stand in  his  writings” What congress & Gandhi has done for  the untouchable”  still  the  real supporter of Ambedkar  is  without money, media  and  mafia and they are fighting against Mony, Media, and Mafia. Be cautious  that before writing anything against Ambedkar, you must remember  Ambedkarite  are not believe upon any kind of misqote. All the Ambedkarite  are  well  versed in Ambedkars  writing  and speeches. Nothing  will  be  acceptable by  the  dalits  except whatever Ambedkar write.




Some  people  will  come out in  defence  of  the concept of  merit  as  it  is  prevailing,  fearing  that reservations  will make “India the nation duffers…..  “Perhaps it  is not able to see the reality as it  obtainstoday in  the  country, where almost all top  controllingposts are  with  the “meritorious”.  Not even a blade  of grass moves  in the administration without harassment  or greasing  the  palms and the corruption is tending be of high order at high levels. Justice and righteousness in the system have been replaced by cruelty, sycophancy, indifference, arrogance, nepotism and vested  interests. The  uprightness  is nowhere visible  and Mr.T.N.Seshan is compelled to call the present  bureaucrats  as boneless.  No good act of  a conscientious  official  goes  unpunished while  for  the corruption  of  the order of Rs.8,000 crore in bank  scam hardly any  one has been booked.  Where is the scope  for further degradation?  The real issue must not be  mix-up when people saying that , in such case what we require the people of  the highest qualifications and efficiency with impeccable  character’. The academic merit has no  link with the  character. The  latter  is  to  be  developed slowly, even at the cost of one’s carrer.  This is totally wanting the  present situation.  If the higher and  lower castes possess  the same character, what difference  does it make to  have  reservation  in fields  which  are  not highly technical?  At least it gives some social justice in the process.   The  ideal is of course the merit  with character. Two  letters appear in Dalit Voice (Dt.May 16-31,1995) by Mrs.Surinder  kaur from Calcutta and Dr.M.Quraishi from  Lucknow. Both the  writers have written against Mr.Kashi Ram the President of BSP. Kanshi Ram is the only man in India who has  challenged  the Brahminical Social Order and will be successful to kill it.  But it is very unfortunate that supporters like these two writers are became so  angry.  Mr.Kashi Ram is working for those people  who can’t help themselves  and  need   care  for  self  confidence. Mrs.kaur’s  husband  need  no such help from Kashi Ram. He can fight for  himself.   If  educated and  well  established  people  disturb Mr.Kashi  Ram for help instead of helping the poor, then  it  will massacre  the  Mission of Babashaheb which is now carried out  by  BSP.  Dr.Quraishi’s view is totally wrong, baseless and is like a fundamentalist. We hate Hindu and Muslim fundamentalists in same tone as both  are  equally dangerous for human rights.  Most of the educated Muslims are not helping as  per  their  religious  instruction to their poor section of the society by  jakat system.  In the name of God and following the luck theory they forget their duty as I have seen in  Muslim society all over India. Why the Muslim masses are so poor in the Muslim countries also? You will not find a single Shikh begger all over the world. Why?















      Bhagidari andolan, commenced from 15.08.93 in Bilaspur, MP by BSP is a significant constituent of a 5 point Economic  Emancipation  program  of  the   party. “Equal share  in the Governance of the land”, in short it is the participative  management  by  the  people, in Politics, Government, Administration, Power etc. As a part of this  program, Mandal Marches were flagged  off in MP.


      Demanding immediate implementation of the Mandal        Commission Report Recommendations. Mandal Cycle Marches were started  from all corners of MP.  The starting point was Bilaspur, MP, on 15.8.93.  Ignoring the down pouring rains, BSP  workers  &  supporters assembled in a large numbers at  the site in Bilaspur.  People wielding  BSP’s blue flags poured into the city by every possible mode of transport:Tractors, Lorries, Trains, Tempos, of course Cycles. A  mammoth  rally of the nearly 1.50lakh  BSP workers and supporters was held at the site.  The wave of blue flags  made  every one feel that the oceans and  the  skies have come down on the earth together.


     Thousands  of  cycle rallyists in  their  cycles, wielding   blue  flags,  passed   through  whole  of  MP, gathering  support  for the implementation of the  Mandal recommendation. They also informed the people,  of Government atrocities on the Bahujan Samaj and how ex-MLA  Mr.Ratnakar  is toiling in jail for the past many months just because he fought for a Schedule Caste rape victim.




     September 10, 1993, Aligarh’s Muslim Youth  pledged their unanimous support to Kanshi Ram. Aligarh’s Muslim University  Students Union welcome, Kanshi Ram  in the presence of a largest ever gathering in the  history of Aligarh. All the   student  univocally,  accepting Mr.Kanshi Ram as their unquestioned and untainted leader, resolved  to  pledge their irreversible support to  BSP. Many prominent Muslim community leaders participated actively in this memorable Aligarh students meeting.  All of them showered flowers of praise on Kanshi Ram.


     Addressing  the  gathering, Mr.Kanshi  Ram  said: “Till 1989  I  was openly and vehemently working for  the welfare,  fighting  for the cause of  beleaguered  Muslim community. My  passion  and  concern  for  the  ignored minority community dates back to 1965, when I was closely associated  with them, when I commenced my work in Bombay and Pune. It was at that time, decades ago, I  realized  the pathetic state of life of the Muslim community in the country,  understood  clearly their identity  crisis  and their other  disturbing  problems. It was then  that  I started practising  Urdu.  Today I can, not only speak in  fluent Urdu,  but can also write Urdu with reasonable command”.


      “After I shifted the BSP Head Quarters to  Delhi for strategic political reasons, I had the opportunity to meet, discuss  and  exchange views openly with  prominent Muslim leaders. I had the opportunity to  interact closely with  leaders  like Shahi Imam Abdullah  Bukhari,  Syed Shahabuddin,  Shaikh Sulaiman Sait and many others. I detailed  the views, philosophy and programmes that BSP was embarking  on  to fight for the change in the  system where by I  wanted to halt the dangerous growth  of minority  upper castes. Instead I wanted to accelerate the growth  of  the  85%  majority Indians  who  are  the victims of  the evils in the system.  To my shock, though all of them  appreciated my views and plans, did not find it practical  enough  for  any   swift  visible  success. Ironically,  all  these leaders were unanimous in their negative attitude and views.    They were visibly frightened to take head on the heavy  weight national political parties like the Congress(I), BJP, Communists and the likes. They  even  refused to continue any dialogue with  me. I was  naturally  depressed  but certainly  not disheartened.  I continued to work for the betterment of the enumerating the further developments.


     Mr.Kanshi  Ram explained:  “During June 1989, the by elections in Allahabad witnessed Mr.V.P.Singh being unanimously supported by these Muslim Leaders and organizations like the Babri Masjid Action Committee and Mr.Shahbuddin. More so a dubious   leader like Mr.V.P.Singh was being helped by BJP, RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and Ram Janma Bhomi Action Committee.  It is known  that these  outfits  are known anti-Muslim  organizations and yet these  Muslim  leaders and Muslim  organizations,  joined their  hands  with  them.  This  was  frustrating. Interestingly  and painfully, it was Mr.V.P.Singh’s Chief Election  Agent  Dr.Murli Manohar Joshi of BJP  who  was guiding the  Allahabad campaign and shockingly these Muslim Leaders  and outfits took orders from him. These forces brought  victory to Mr.V.P.Singh in Allahabad by garnering Muslim votes senselessly.  Alas, what a pity?”


     Manyabar Kanshi  Ram  went on to add:  “This opened  my        eyes.  I  was  totally  awakened to the darker  facts  of politics. Coolly and conveniently forgotten were those days of V.P.Singh as UP Chief Minister, when he committed ruthless atrocities on the UP Muslim  community and merciless Muslim community murders.  Despite these  hard  and painful truth, these Muslim  leaders projected Mr.V.P.Singh as a clean and respected leader committed to the welfare  of  the Muslim community.  It is for you  to guess how selfish these Muslim leaders were in misguiding their fellow men of their own community. These acts were        only to serve  their personal gains.  It was only then in  1989 I realized  that  even  these  Muslim  leaders were clearly and  painfully  anti-Muslim welfare leaders. It was only then I was totally  disillusioned with this so-called self-proclaimed Muslim  leaders and organizations and I decided to start my work with my Muslim brethren  at the grass-root level.  I am preparing  them at this  basic level telling the facts of  realities in life and  making them understand the philosophy of the BSP movement.   In reality BSP is not just  a  political party, but a great awakening movement, destined to reform  the system;  to benefit the 85% suffering majority”.


      At the time of adopting the Constitution,  Dr.Ambedkar  told  the  Constituent Assembly, on  26th  January 1950,  we  are  going to enter into  a  life  of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality  and social and economic life we will have  inequality.   In politics, we  will be recognizing the principle  of  one man,  one vote and one vote one value.  In our social and economic life,  we  shall, by reason of our  social and economic  structure continue to deny the principle of one man,  one value.  How long shall we continue to live this life  of  contradictions?  How long shall we continue  to deny  equality  in our social and economic life?   If  we  continue  to  deny  it  for long we will do  so  only  by putting our political democracy in Peril. We must remove  this  contradiction  at the earliest possible  moment  or else  those  who suffer from inequality will blow up  the structure  of  political  democracy,  which  we  have  so laboriously built up”                                   





     We  are  celebrating  the Golden Jubilee  of  our        independence.   It  has  now been fifty years  since  our country became  free. The  second  generation  of  free  Indians is about to hand over the reins of the country to the third.


      It has been customary in our country to celebrate national days as festivals. The event of gaining freedom is reenacted as  a  drama.   Colourful   processions, tableaus, exhibitions and public speeches are the  high lights of these celebrations. The entire  event  looks like a farce sometimes.


      I hope we will not celebrate at least the fiftieth year  in the same hollow manner.  This time we should not rest  satisfied by merely re-enacting moments of history. Golden Jubilee year should be an year of looking back and  assessing what we have done to strengthen our freedom and democracy. Because the celebrations this time will be spread over  an  year,  I  hope  there  will  be  enough opportunity and time to sit and introspect also.  We will have  enough  time to examine what self  governance has given to the people.


     We  should carefully analyze what made us slaves. We should  recognize what slavery meant to the common man and what he expected out of freedom. Now after governing ourselves for two generations, we cannot escape the responsibility to assess today what we  have done to eliminate  such  factors as make freedom  meaningless  to those for whom it was won.


     While  talking  of  the common  masses  for  whom        independence  was  won, we have in mind particularly  the down trodden. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled        Tribes, the  educationally  and socially  backwards,  the minorities, the  artisans  and craftsmen, and  all  such dalits who  have  been exploited by moneyed or  otherwise influential people, form the Bahujan  Samaj. Bahujan Samaj was the worst affected by slavery. But  their miseries  were  used  like  a trump  card  for  demanding freedom from  imperialism. They formed the majority  of multitudes  who  followed the leaders during the  freedom struggle. Today their social and economic  independence is still under a question mark.


     It  is important to examine how far the impact of        independence has been felt by these  common  citizens,        particularly the weakest of the weak,the  historically

exploited and traditionally subjugated.


      Independence from  a foreign yoke is a  critical   turning point in the history of a nation. It is a total change of guard. The nation acquires the right  to determine its own destiny. An ordinary citizen, irrespective of any social or economic barrier, should  remember independence as the event which gave him  the right to live with self respect. A man on  the  street        should be able to feel that freedom brought him dignity, and liberated  him from subjugation at the hands of any other person or group of persons.


    Let us celebrate the fiftieth year of independent. 


We have been  adversely affected by our failures.  There are those who have reaped the harvest of a democratic  rule. There are those who have so far been deprived of its benefits. There is also another category of those  who, due to faulty planning, faulty implementation of schemes, mal administration,    corruption and failure of administrative machinery,  have been deprived of even those facilities and benefits which they enjoyed  before our free march  on the road of progress started.


      A total view of what we have achieved and what we have failed  to achieve, should remain at the back of our mind when we are analyzing progress made as   an independent democracy.


      Each free generation is a custodian of  national        fortune. It has a moral duty to improve what it inherits from  the  previous  generation and leave  a  stronger country,  a  happier nation, and a healthier  system,  to those  who  succeed.  Today is an occasion to introspect and assess in the light of what we inherited, what we have achieved towards  streamlining   our freedom and sovereignty during the two generations   of self governance.




      Our  Constitution   reflects   the   hopes   and        aspirations of the nation as on the eve of independence. The Bahujan  Samaj  is  proud of the  constitution. The Samaj is proud of its makers,    particularly Dr.B.R.Ambedkar,  due to whose wisdom and foresight, the Constitution contains special provisions to eradicate social and economic backwardness of certain sections  of Indian society.   It also provides safeguards to  protect them against  exploitation at the hands of those, who, inspite of  freedom and economic development were likely to continue to predominate due to socio-economic reasons.


      It is one of the most remarkable things about our Constitution that it contains not only the structure and functions  of the governance, but also the principles to be followed by the State in governance, and the rights of citizens  and others.  This was to ensure predominance of rule of law  and  equal treatment of all irrespective  of class, caste, status, place of birth and sex.


      The  PREAMBLE  OF OUR CONSTITUTION sums up  these noble ideals as follows:


      “WE THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST  SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens:


      JUSTICE  social, economic and political;


LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith  &   worship;


EQUALITY of status and opportunity;  and to promote   among them all


FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation;




     The  fiftieth  year  of independence  is  an  apt        occasion to examine how far the noble ideals contained in the preamble have been realised.


      Article 46 of the Constitution requires the State at Centre and in States, to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections and in particular of Scheduled   Castes  and  Scheduled Tribes. The Chapter  on   Fundamental  Rights bans discrimination  on grounds of religion, race, caste,  sex or place of birth.  At the same time it provides that the State is  empowered  to  make any special  provision  for women and  children,  and  special provisions  for  the advancement  of  any socially and educationally backward classes of  citizens or for the Scheduled Castes, the        Scheduled Tribes. The State is also empowered to  make        reservation of appointments or posts in favour of  any        backward  class of citizens which, in the opinion of  the State, is not adequately represented in the service under the State.


      When the Constitution was adopted. WE THE PEOPLE        OF INDIA  comprised  a mass of haves and have  nots.   We were divided  into two distinct classes;  one class  that of the historically  deprived, and the other that of  the traditionally  opulent class of society which worked  for continuance of its opulence at any cost.


      Fears were expressed even during the struggle for independence that power would yield to the  manipulative tactics of a chosen  few, and they  would  exploit the helplessness of the oppressed and the needy millions who depended on the opulent for self sustenance.


       Dr.B.R.Ambedkar had expressed the fear that  political  freedom without economic equality will lead to a life of contradictions. He made this  observation        during debate in the Constituent Assembly on 25th        November 1949, in the following words:


       At the time of adopting the Constitution,        Dr.Ambedkar told the Constituent Assembly, on 26th        January 1950, we are  going to enter into a life of        contradictions. In politics, we will have equality  and social and economic life we will have  inequality.   In politics, we  will be recognizing the principle  of  one man,  one vote and one vote one value.  In our social and economic  life,  we  shall, by reason of our  social  and economic  structure continue to deny the principle of one  man,  one value.  How long shall we continue to live this life  of contradictions?  How long shall we continue to deny equality  in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for long we will do  so  only  by putting our political democracy in Peril. We must remove this  contradiction  at the earliest possible  moment  or else  those  who suffer from inequality will blow up  the        structure  of  political  democracy,  which  we  have  so  laboriously built up”                                   


     It  is our unfortunate conviction that worse  has        happened than what was predicted by Baba Saheb.  Not only  have we failed to bring economic equality, even political equality has evaded us.







     The above is a bitter truth about empowerment. The majority of Indians was deprived and did not have non-political resources at the time of freedom.  Intense efforts were needed to improve their lot.   Development schemes properly planned and executed were needed.  There was need to effectively, and without delay, enforce the safeguards provided in the Constitution. Failing these administrative measures,  empowerment of the masses was impossible. A very small minority of those who possessed political and socio-economic resources were likely to continue  to rule the destiny of a vast multitude of the  oppressed and the needy. It has happened. Self rule and  development planning have failed to   check   this   possibility.


      Externally the country had thrown the yoke of imperialism. But  internally  the  common  masses were wearing a different  set of shackles – shackles of the economically advances, clutches of  money   lenders, disparities of status, subjugation of landed aristocracy, barriers of caste system, inequalities of religions etc.


     These  and many other forms of slavery could  not have been overcome unless the  oppressed were duly protected,  unless the traditional trades and skills were preserved and upgraded, unless education and health was provided to all the deprived individuals, unless employment opportunities were created for  all,  unless development was undertaken in such a way that it does not demolish, but rather improves the existing local skills.


     From  a  national point of view we can  be  happy about the overall economic progress made since independence. In the field of agriculture the  country has progressed from a virtual starvation point in 1947 to self sufficiency in food grains. Our green  revolution has been  brought about by an ill educated, ill  equipped class of  cultivators, working in all ill connected rural interior. Therefore it is a rare miracle for the world. In the field of education our  country  produced  only ‘babus’ to serve the an alien Raj, but today it is called the third  largest bank of techno-economic manpower. We had only a negligible industrial base consisting only of some agro-based  industries and mines.  Today we are  the tenth largest  industrialized country making almost every thing, from  a  safety pin to a supersonic aircraft. No other country  which became free at the same time as  our  has achieved so much in the same span of time.


      From a national point of view the average  non-political resource of every citizen appears to  have improved.


      But “average” is a misleading figure.  If we have not foot  on  a cold slab of ice, and the other on a  red hot sheet  of iron, we cannot say that on the average it is a very comfortable  existence.  Same applies to our economy today.


       These average figures  do not show  that  those        without resources  have not benefited out of  development schemes. Green revolution has been achieved only on the basis of  cash crops like wheat and rice.  What about the poor man’s  coarse  grain,  jawar,  bajra  and  maize? Irrigation  has  not  benefited the  small  and  marginal farmers. Their  uneconomic holdings have  become  more uneconomic  due  to lack of irrigation. They have  been  rendered  more  dependent than before on rich neighbours for borrowing irrigation equipment and water. What about  improvement  of such land as is traditionally occupied by the poor  like  the Diara land, the Sodic land, the  Usar land?  Comparatively  little attention has been received by these  categories. Tertiary occupations like dairy, piggery, poultry, bee keeping etc., have succeeded  only in rare cases. In general these life saving occupations have not  improved  and the poor persons dependent  upon them for  livelihood  have, in most case, had to give  up the occupation and search other means of livelihood.


      Similarly the industrial map of India is largely   made up of Public Sector Industries and large  private  houses. Atleast till recently very little had been done to medium  and small sector. Cottage industries are all by themselves. This  has created an employment vaccum. New industries have not added substantially to employment generation. The recent attempts at liberalization have yet to bear  fruits  and  their is a lot of  uncertainty whether these fruits will be sweet or bitter.


      Disparities  have  persisted. No. They  have       widened. The gap between the income level of the richest and the poorest has  increased  many times   after independence. What the richest man spends on a breakfast today, is much more than the total assets of the poorest man.  Dependence has not only remained, it has increased.       


      “Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual”  has become more deplorable today, in the age of the supersonic aircraft, than it was in the age of the bullock cart. Social justice to ensure acceptability in a common  society to all castes, both the sexes, tribals living in inaccessible areas, scheduled castes, and the people of all religions especially minorities, has not yet been dispensed.


     We have not made any tangible progress towards        economic equality and equal opportunities of employment, trade and business.


     We  have  not  ensured   political  justice   and  provided  equal opportunities to all for participating in governance and administration.


     Without fulfillment of above pre-requisites liberty of thought and expression, equality of status and opportunity, have remained academic  questions.   For millions of Indians true independence has not yet dawned.


     There  is a little to be satisfied about, but  so much to lament. The hopes of the common man are  buried under the garbage heap of bad  planning, bad implementation, inefficient administration and  corruption.


      Let us  not  under estimate  the  alarming  side  effects of bad planning on the entire social structure of India. Due to faulty  planning and unsystematic development, our entire society is facing  a  turmoil. People at  the  helm of affairs little  understand  these undercurrents. The very fabric of our society is  under risk due to unsystematic and haphazard economic growth.


       The combined effect of lack of education, lack of health and medical facilities, lack of  employment  opportunities,  low  nutrition standards, and  above  all dependence on land owners and money lenders in  the villages  has led to distress migration from rural  areas to urban habitats.                                      





     Education and health are basic necessities for        enlightenment of mind and social emancipation.  Mahatama Jyotiba Phule,  the  father of India’s Social  Revolution searched for causes of degradation of Shudras  and  Ati Shudras. His  considered conclusion was that the root cause of  degradation  was ignorance born out of lack  of  education. As a matter of fact the Caste System  denied education  to the Shudras and Ati Shudras.  When Phule Ji was sent  school  by  his  father, people of his  own community condemned  it and boycotted him for  violating the custom. But equality of status is impossible without imparting to the  oppressed a level of education and health equal to others in the society.


      Education not only widens the mind and liberates if from outdated thoughts and practices, it enables a man to claim and occupy positions in life. It is the  main instrument of empowerment. Education liberates  from social barriers like untouchability. Equal acceptability of the down  trodden  in  the society is  established  by education.


      An illiterate man is a permanent destitute in a        competitive society. Literacy improves ability to compete. It is a factor securing social justice and freedom from dependence.


      Much of the planned effort to improve education        standards of the oppressed classes has remained on paper. Our planners  have  laid  special emphasis  on  spreading education in rural areas, particularly areas inhabited by Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.  Priority has been attached on opening primary schools in these areas in every plan. Special funds have been earmarked for construction of school buildings in these areas. Youths belonging to these classes have  been given special incentives to get trained in education. Scholarships for higher education have been instituted. Informal education through Anganwadi system and Ashrams has  also been included in plans.


      Inspite  of  the  above   efforts   the   actual achievement has not been encouraging at all.  In practice the problem  has  been gaining much larger magnitude and efforts of government have not kept speed with the need. This is primarily  due to paper planning, lack of political will to implement the schemes, and perhaps lack of intentions to implement.


       Due to lack of resources and social acceptability the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have  been comparatively  more deprived of facilities for  education than the general mass of Indians.  While the rich classes automatically started enjoying the benefits of education and higher educations once the country became free, the        oppressed needed special care. Dependence on  economic        resources and social opportunities has marred the chances of the oppressed classes to reap full  benefits of governments schemes.  Had there been a more comprehensive approach the poor would not have been at the  mercy  of these factors.


       It is sad that the gap of literacy level between the oppressed classes and the general population  has increased from one plan to another.


       Sixth  All India Educational survey conducted  by NCERT in collaboration with NIC revealed the  startling fact that  there was a large gap between the total number of habitations  and  those  covered by  primary  schools. What is more  surprising  is the fact that there  was  no data on how  many of these uncovered habitations fall in tribal sub-plan  clusters, or scheduled Areas or areas predominantly  inhabited by the Scheduled  Castes. The survey also  revealed imbalance between in the growth of        number of schools in urban and rural areas.  Considering that a majority  of  the Scheduled Tribes  and Scheduled Castes live in rural areas, these figure were relevant.


     Out  of  a total of 10,59,191 habitations in  the  rural areas only 5,32,962 have primary schools, 1,45,824 habitations have upper primary schools,  53,174 have secondary schools and only 11,955 have higher  secondary schools. Thus there are more than  5 lac rural habitations in the country forming nearly 50% of the total habitations which do not have primary schools.


      During the last decade the number  of  primary  schools has  increased by 19.62% while in the rural areas by 7.57%  only. The  argument generally given  is  that teachers  do  not  like  to go  to  rural  interiors and therefore  even  the  schools which have been opened in rural areas must be ill equipped and badly run. Very little attention has been paid to recruit local teachers.


      No incentives  have  been given to tribal and scheduled castes communities to open their own  schools. People belonging  to  higher and well to do  castes have opened schools and colleges. Such incentives would have gone a long  way  to improve the social  and  educational standing of  these  oppressed castes at par with upper castes and well to do sections of the society.


       As against the national average of 52.21% literacy rate of Scheduled Castes is 37.41%.  Although 2/3rd of all males in the country are educated, only half the males belonging  to  the Scheduled Castes. As far women more  than three quarters of Scheduled Castes women are illiterate as against the literacy rate of 39.29% for women in  general. In some particular states these  figures are  even more alarming. In U.P., the State with the largest  population of Scheduled Castes, the literacy        percentage of Scheduled Caste women is less than 10%.


      It is, therefore, clear from the above  figures, that majority of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other oppressed classes who live in rural areas are deprived  of the basic facility of education even in this 50th year  of  independence.  In other words there is no hope of their   acquiring  even  the basic means of empowerment. How  can it be expected that in the near foreseeable  future these oppressed and downtrodden will be able to  gain a social status equal to others and live as free and  self dependent citizens? They obviously  do not have any hope to gain freedom during their life time.


     Literacy  level of the Scheduled Tribes is also a sad story.  The gap between literate persons belonging to Scheduled Tribes and those belonging to general  population was  18.15% in 1971.  This gap  increased  to 19.88% in 1981 and further widened to 22.61%. As  per last census of 1991  as  many as  70.40%  tribals  were illiterate, as compared to only 47.79% illiterate persons in the category of general population.


      Literacy level of the tribal women  shows  even worse statistics. The gap  between  illiterate  tribal women and  women belonging to general population was  14% in 1971. This gap increased to 16% in 1981 and  further widened to 21.04% in 1991.  As of today 8  out  of  10 tribal women are illiterate. How can the parameters of female emancipation hold good for them?


      The rate of growth of literacy among the tribals over the  last  three decades has been very sluggish  and far from  such satisfactory levels as would show them the light of freedom and self dependence.  Literacy increased by 6.78% in the decade 1971-81 and 16% during 1981-91 for the general  population, while among the tribals the rate of increase was 5.05% and 13.25%.


      The drop out rate of Scheduled Tribes at primary level is 64.53% as against 47.93% in general category. This is an alarming reflection on the dangerous socio-economic constraints which the tribals are finding impossible to  overcome.  They continue to be slaves  of these limitations.


       Unless literacy level improve among the  dalits their integration  in  the society at large will  not  be possible. It is pity that all the high flown  ideas  and schemes relating  to ‘education for all’ have remained on paper without  tangible results.  It is also a pity that those who  belong  to the privileged classes of society have never understood the problem that the larger segment of the society  is alienated from the mainstream. Caste system or rather the vertical hierarchy of the castes has always closed  the doors of such interaction between the  communities  and  classes.  Hence, the upper  castes  and privileged classes continue to exploit the  illiterate masses. A vested interest is prolonging the  dependence of the illiterate on the literate.




     Physical  health  and nutrition standard  of  the poor and under privileged  increase   lack  of   self  dependence. A person  in  ill   health  is  the  worst  destitute. There are no  separate studies to prove with statistics that the health and nutrition standard  of Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Caste, and the socially  and educationally backward classes is poorer than that of the general category  of  people.  But there are a number of official and non official studies to prove that nutrition deficiency  is common among the members of these classes. Poor health  takes  these people out of competition  with the well to do classes.  Their life span is shorter than others. Thus, poor health renders them more dependent on others. Poor medical services fail to free them from this malady.


     The future generations of these oppressed classes   will find it even more difficult to come out  of  this   helpless situation. Since difference in physical health of the rich and the oppressed will widen  with  coming generations, the economically oppressed will be  further buried under the burden of ill health.   Anemia among children and nourishing mothers is a matter of common observation in backward classes.  This factor diminishes their hopes further.


      It is  a well known fact that a majority of  the   Dalits are engaged in primary professions, and such work as exposes their bodies to environmental hazards. These are like scavenging, leather tanning, cobblery,   potteries, and weaving. Conditions in and around  their house and colonies are generally unhygienic.   Due to these circumstances  diseases like malaria, tuberculosis, skin diseases, leprosy, and goiter are an integral part of their professional hazards. These diseases require specialized indoor treatment. It is a pity that there are hardly any indoor hospitals with special facilities for such infectious diseases, either located  in areas inhabited by Dalits or meant exclusively for them. These are diseases of the  poor.  The rich live in cleaner environment. And the rich can afford private treatment at private and costly clinics.  The oppressed  doubly  suffer due  to these diseases and lack of facilities for their treatment.


      Inspite of  sanctions on paper there is  general  lack of infrastructure like health institutions, medical and para medical staff in schedule areas and  interior areas which are predominantly inhabited by   weaker sections of the society. This is a  major  hurdle in realization of the goal of “Health for All”.  Government has relaxed the norms for establishment of Primary Health Centers and  sub  centers.   But there is a  gap  between theory and  practice.  Medical and para. medical staff  is reluctant to go into interior tribal areas.


       Thus  in  very  large   Dalit  areas  people  are entirely  at  the  mercy  of local  cures  and  remedies. Quacks rule supreme in  these areas. There  is total dependence  on what ever is locally available in the name of medical  help and medicines.  For these even to dream of liberation  from  disease and squalor is a far cry  so far.  For  most  of  those Dalit  areas  where  medical facilities  have been provided under the plan, in reality there are little or no facilities.


      Some freedom could  have been  possible   if   indigenous medical practices   had  been   encouraged.  Particularly in tribal areas  there  have  been  well  established  indigenous system of medicines.  There is no emphasis on Tribal and traditional systems of  medicines and health care. Therefore there has been no development of local genius and skills.


      The above  situation has resulted in a  dilemma.  The old systems prevalent in the dalit areas  are  not being encouraged. New systems are not getting    established. As a net result the poor are totally  dependent on unregistered quacks and fictitious doctors.




         According to  National  Crime Record  Bureau  of   India crime against  the dalits have not come down  with advancement of the country but have gone up.  Data shows that crime against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes rose from  24,922 recorded cases in 1992 to a  staggering 33,908 in 1994. 1994 data shows that U.P. accounted for 47.7% of the total crime against these classes  country wide. Rajasthan with  14.2% and M.P. with 11% are the two other  States where atrocities on the members of SCs were most rampant. Dadra and Nagar Haveli with around 10lac population  of SC/STs in 1991 census, headed the list  among Union Territories with 1.3% of the share at all India level of atrocities against backward classes.




     Ugly means  like rape, parading naked a weaker  section woman or the heinous killing of children  belonging to these underprivileged classes are adopted against the weaker sections corresponding to feudal  style, meant to set an example for others not to  raise their head again.


      It is significant  to remember  here  that  the  weapon of “atrocities”was forged in post independence India. Heightened aspirations of weaker  sections  and   dogged resistance  by  the higher castes lead  to  social conflicts and these crimes. It has been observed  that wherever  the  SC  is  asserting  for  greater  share  in political-economic  cake,  social   violence is more. Similarly, widened economic backwardness is an important factor for high percentage of social crimes in  backward states.


     Laws  to  deal  with   prevention  of  atrocities   against the Dalits are toothless. A majority of  cases registered  under  the  Prevention of Civil  Rights  Act, 1994, Prevention  of  Atrocities Act fall through due to the weakness  of  law.  Low prosecution rate is  a  great booster for perpetrators  of atrocities on   weaker sections. Record of convictions in cases of  atrocities on Dalits registered is poor and  shows  half hearted investigations and prosecutions. According to SC/ST Commissioner  Report  1992 a total of 1.67 lac cases of crime against weaker sections were framed in the  decade 1975-86. Of 4,322 people were convicted, around 15,000 persons were acquitted while about 19,240 cases were left pending.




     An estimated 75% of the rural population  forms the Scheduled  Castes,  the  Scheduled Tribes and  the Other Backward Classes. They are the most  deprived and dependent. A majority of them have only their  body as an asset. More than 50% of these do not  own  land. They are landless cultivators, which is a misnomer. They cultivate  but  they  do not own land.  They are called ‘batai dars’  in northern India.  They are in other words dependant on those  who  own their land on paper and totally at their mercy.  Being not gainfully employed a majority of them remain indebted to money lenders.


     The  remaining 25% of the Dalit villagers who  do  own land are holders of uneconomic landholdings,  being small and  marginal  farmers.  Their plight is  not much better than that of the landless cultivators.


     Most  of  the government schemes to  improve  the        plight of landless cultivators and small and  marginal        farmers have failed or become  routinized.  Intensive  Rural Development program for example has not improved  the lot of those living below the poverty line. The  scheme was  aimed at providing an intermediary source  of income to  these  classes by engaging them in  profitable and bankable projects. There were   bureaucratic procedures in identifying the beneficiaries. There was little emphasis on  selecting schemes with aptitudes on the beneficiaries  in mind.  There was little emphasis on improvement of skills.   And there was no integrated effort to establish fail  proof supply  line of raw materials  for  the selected projects, or  marketing  for their products. Hence,  as  was inevitable, the IRDP failed. As a matter of fact poverty removal schemes rendered many poor  people indebted and liable to harassment instead of helping them to stand on their own feet.


      The  rural  Dastkars, for example, are among  the worst sufferer of planning and unsystematic development. Artisans like potters, carpet weavers, embroiders,  wood craftsmen  toy makers, zari workers, sari weavers, and a large number of other such artisans enjoyed a protected livelihood. Modernisation and commercialization of hand made products has  rendered these craftsmen totally uncompetative and  dependent on others. They have  been uprooted without having been provided alternate roots.


   ‘GARIBI HATAO’ scheme started as a political slogan and hitherto remain a vote catching device.                 


     Almost  all  impact assessment of the  so  called  poverty removal schemes have shown that these  schemes    have either  totally failed to ameliorate the lot of  the beneficiaries  or have had only inadequate effect.  Being administered by  an  unmotivated  and  procedure  ridden bureaucracy,  most  of these schemes have only  converted the poor beneficiaries into slaves of bureaucratic doles. Being based on grants without  sufficient backing of bankable and cost conscious schemes, these schemes have failed to help the beneficiaries stand on their own feet. Individual  beneficiaries were given loans and grants and  assigned isolated and stereotyped schemes without making fail proof arrangements for supply of raw materials  and marketing of goods  produced  by  them.   Very little emphasis and that too misplaced away  from  the  real beneficiaries  was  laid on improvement of  skills. Net result was a chaotic  smoke screen of  poverty removal behind which the selected beneficiaries became  greater slaves of the vicious circle than before, this time with an  additional ring of bureaucracy.


     Largely due to caste inhibitions and unsympathetic bureaucracy the benefits of the  poverty removal schemes found difficult to  percolate  to  the Scheduled Castes in particular. Illiteracy and lack  of any skills  to  utilize the allotted funds  and  assigned schemes added to the failures of the schemes  in their case. Hence to ensure  concentrated attention  on the Scheduled Castes the government conceived the  Special Component  Plan in 1978.  Even this has become routinized as was expected because the delivery system remained the same. The  entire  poverty removal scheme thus  remained only a game of numbers and on paper.


     While agricultural production has increased  manifold, the bulk of Schedule Caste  families  remain agriculture wage labourers, as in the past many  centuries, depending on their very oppressors and exploiters. A large part of the country’s land has been brought under  irrigation, but the limited extent of land which is owned by the Scheduled Castes  remains  mostly unirrigated.


     Schemes for Small and Marginal Farmars have  not        resulted in any tangible improvement in the economic        status of these farmers. Landless Agricultural Farmers        have thus far  been  treated  as Wage  Earners  and  not tillers of  land  who  deserve to be given the  rightful title of the land they are tilling.


      Bonded labour  system continues in  its vicious   form and two third of the country’s bonded labourers are from the Scheduled Castes.


      Some general development plans as major  irrigation and multipurpose projects, mines and heavy  industries etc. have added to the misery  of  tribals. Their common property resources like land and forests are shrinking. There is degeneration in environment and  in quality of  life as their life support system is  getting eroded.


      The Constitution  provides for special  approach   for the administration and development of  Scheduled Areas. Eight States in the country have  tribal  areas  which have been declared as Scheduled Areas. Under  the Fifth Schedule, and special responsibility has been cast on the State to ensure peace and good government in these areas. The  then Prime Minister of India, Late Jawarhar Lal Nehru formulated  a “Tribal Panchsheel” which was later ratified by the Dhebar Commission.  The  Tribal Panchsheel laid down that –


  1. the development of tribals should be along the lines of genius of their community;


  1. there should be no imposition on them;


    iii. there own traditional art and culture should be encouraged;


  1. they should be integrated with the rest  of   the society in a manner that their traditions and cultures remain undisturbed;


  1. the  rights of tribals on land  and  forests should be preserved and they should themselves be prepared and trained for  their administration and  development.


      This Tribal  Panch  Sheel was never given a   practicable shape in  a  government  scheme. Special provisions of the Fifth Schedule  for  prohibiting  or  restricting transfer of land by members  of  Scheduled  Tribes, regulating allotment of land to them, and regulating money lending business in these areas,  have not been effectively implemented. As a result  the traditional political structures in tribal areas  are collapsing. 


       With the introduction of the Constitution (73rd and 74th)  Amendment Acts, the devolution of financial as well as administrative powers to the   local   self  government  bodies  is taking practical shape.   However, the provisions  regarding Panchayati Raj institutions  do not apply to the Scheduled Areas at present.


       Lack of social acceptability of weaker sections and hence their poor economic condition Extreme   social, educational and economic backwardness  arising out of the traditional practice of “untouchability”  continues to be a cause of exploitation of these  castes. Untouchability has been forbidden by   article 17  of  the  Constitution.  Protection  of  Civil Rights Act, 1955 has also been enacted. But the Scheduled Castes continue to be subjected to a wide range of disabilities. Untouchability continues in its oldest form in many  areas of the country. It is practiced in a  modified  form  in  many  other  parts  of the country. Subjugation, dependence and oppression in various  forms continue to  be  the  fate   of  the  Scheduled Castes. Although unlike the Scheduled Tribes the Scheduled Castes are not geographically  isolated and live with the other communities, yet most  villages and towns are divided along caste  lines.  This is reflected in the segregation of Scheduled  Caste settlements to marginal sites away from the main habitations, both urban and rural.


      The Scheduled Caste who number 13.82 crores,        constitute 1/6th of the country’s population. But  Scheduled Castes are at  the bottom  of  the  economic  pyramid of the country. The contribution  of   the Scheduled  Castes  to the country’s economy, in terms  of physical labour, either on their own lands or the land of others, or  in  occupations like scavenging, flaying  and tanning of  leather  is  the highest.   More than three quarters  of the total population of the Scheduled Castes are engaged in primary occupation as against the national average of  67% engaged in primary sector.  While 20% of total workers  in  India are engaged in tertiary  sector, the figure for the Scheduled Castes is 13%. Economic circumstances  force   particularly Scheduled Caste women to contribute physical labour while the per capita income of Scheduled Castes is the lowest. This shows  their  near total subjugation to dominant classes or   communities. In many states the work participation  of women is much higher than the  national  average.


      The most significant fact about Scheduled Castes        workers is  that  half  the Scheduled Caste  workers  are agricultural  wage labourers in contrast to the  national average of 26%. Correspondingly only a quarter of the Scheduled Caste workers are cultivators as  against  a national average of 31%.  Even these are mostly small and marginal farmers.


      It is obvious that social segregation and  caste rigidities  have  confined  Scheduled Castes  workers  to menial and  degrading  occupations.  Liberalisation  and social legislation have not brought about any meaningful shift in their occupation pattern. They, by the  large, continue to be occupied in hazardous, arduous and low category  employments symptomatic of exploitation due to which they  have  not  been  able  to  wriggle  out  into productive occupations. Their children often start  by sharing their  burden  and as they grow become a part of the same helpless  workforce as their  parents,  thus  perpetuating their penury and subjugation.


      Cumulative effect of these failures is reflected  in the data  which  shows  that nearly 45%  of  Scheduled Caste households are living below poverty line as against the national figure of 37.40%.


       Plight of Agricultural wage labourers, cultivators, Traditional artisans,  Leather  workers, Weavers, Others artisans, Fisherfold, Essential health workers, Civic sanitation staff, Traditional Dais, Urban marginalised  labour, has not changed after independence due to the lack of improvementin skills, and lack of modernization in their profession. If at all modernization is introduced it only leads to  alienation of the traditional workers from their age old profession, without relocating them in alternate, better, occupations.


     Schemes for removal of middlemen who are  responsible for reducing  income  of  self   employed producers in  the primary as well as secondary  sectors, and even  in the tertiary sector, have not made  headway, rather have  worked  in  the reverse  direction  in  many  cases.


      Statistics show that there was no or negligible        allocation  for poverty removal schemes in the first four five year plans. It was on the eve of the Fifth  Fiver year Plan only that the then Prime Minister launched what she said  “a  direct attack on poverty”.  ‘Garibi  Hatao’ came as a political catch word.  Poverty removal was then forced upon the planners as a compulsive slogan when the ruling political party  started losing its foothold and wanted something  to hold on to. The program continues to be exploited  more as a vote catching device even now than as a  genuine program to liberate the oppressed classes from economic exploitation.


      Distress migration  has  transported  dependence  from rural to urban areas. Crores of insecure rural poor have migrated  to  urban habitats.  they wriggled out  of the clutches  of  the rural landed aristocracy  and  have fallen prey to the clutches of slum lords in towns on a rough estimate more than 10 crore displaced poor live in  slums in metropolitan cities in  the  most miserable conditions of subjugation and  exploitation. there are said to be one million pavement dwellers on the electoral  roll  of  the city of Calcutta. There is an estimated  population  of two million dwellers of Jhuggi Jhopri colonies in Delhi.  There are swarms of Jhoper Patti dwellers in Bombay.   In this metropolis of the richest Indians, 75%  people  are living with proper shelter, and without reliable means of  livelihood, in slums. It is difficult to keep a count of slum dwellers in other metropolitan  cities like Madras, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Hydrabad, etc., and medium and smaller towns.


      Apart from  these displaced settlers  there  are  millions of those who cannot afford even a make  shift shelter and commute to towns for miles together in search of employment every day.


      Considering the number and plight of these floating  poor citizens of India, it would be criminal to overlook  any more what defective planning and lop  sided development of economy has done to the urban  and semi-urban society. It is all the  more  criminal  to ignore the  fact  that  those  who have  shifted  in  the process of  distress migration to urban areas, are mostly those who atleast  enjoyed  a  secure  and   systematic livelihood in villages. Turmoils of our unsystematically developing economy have uprooted them, without providing new roots and rehabilitation.


       Many of these displaced urban refugees are either erstwhile owners of small and uneconomic  holdings in villages,  cultivators  of  land on batai,  artisans who could not compete in commercialized  industrialization, traditional craftsmen like weavers, potters, etc., who could not  improve  their skills to compete with modern competitors. And for most of them the government has either never thought of a scheme for upgrading their skills or rehabilitating them;  or a scheme was run and could never succeed. They are the unfortunate offsprings of our confused and confusing economic development.


       These urban poor are worse than slaves, what  to talk of citizens of a free country. They are  rootless having been  uprooted  by the trade winds of time. They have not been helped to find alternate roots. They, who lived a life of some kind of sustenance, are now living a day to day  existence, totally at the mercy of day to day circumstances,  and  day to day possibilities of  earning  their bread. A  minor riot can turn their  life  upside down. A  natural calamity can uproot them again like  leaves of a trees.


      Uncertainties of urban  livelihood  tempt  them   towards crime. They fall easy prey to mafia gangs. Their families become susceptible to fall in moral  standards. Their children hardly ever see the sight of a school.


      Abject dependence on underworld forces is what is their fortune. What to talk of freedom for them  as citizens of this country, they are the worst exploited.
































      The Other Backward Classes constitute 52% of the population of India. The most startling thing about the planned development of O.B.C.s is nothing systematic was done  in this direction upto 1990, i.e.  forty three years after independence, and forty years  after the  process of five year plans started.


      The Constitution recognised that the socially and educationally backward classes labour under difficulties and envisaged the appointment of a Commission  by  the President  under article 340(1).  Article 340(1) provided that “The President may by   order appoint a Commission…to investigate the conditions of socially and educationally backward classes within the territory of India and the difficulties under which they labour and to make recommendations as to the steps that should be taken by the Union  or  any   State  to  remove such         difficulties and to improve their condition and as to grants that should be made …”


      Inspite of  such  clear   provisions   in   the  Constitution the first fruitful step was taken only after 40 years of independence. Kaka Kalekar  Commission appointed  in 1953 submitted its report in 1955.  But the Government rejected the report in 1961.  For two decades after that nothing happened. In 1979 the Mandal Commission was appointed. The Commission submitted  its report in December  1980.  For a decade it received the same treatment as the Kaka Kalekar Commission.


     Only in August, 1990 the Govt of India decided to        introduce  reservation of 27% of the OBCs on the basis of Mandal Commission’s report.


     The failure to recognize the OBCs at the central        level also meant that no efforts were made by planners and resource distributors at the national level for their development and welfare. This  has  resulted  in  the deprivation of OBCs of their legitimate dues and share in the fruits  of  development  and welfare  in  independent India over and above their historical  deprivation and exploitation.




     Political  empowerment and participation in  governance  and administration can secure freedom for the oppressed. But  it is a fact of history that a  Bahujan Samaj was  always discouraged to build its own  political leadership. There have always been systematic attempts to let down in-house leaders of the poor. The rich and upper castes  have  generally  tried to assume their leadership and exploited their gullibility and economic dependence, and to nurture them as a vote bank instead of letting any  of  their members, however capable he  might be, as potential repository of the political ambitions of the Samaj.  But according to Dr.Ambedkar “It  is  not  enough  to  electors  only,  it  is necessary  to  be  law-makers;   otherwise  who  can  be law-makers  will  be  masters of those who can only be electors.” Even  as  electors the Bahujan Samaj has  always been misused and  exploited. Intimidation of voters belonging to the deprived classes of society continues to be a common   phenomenon. Cases of intimidation of candidates  and voters of the weaker sections of society continues   to be a common phenomenon. Cases of intimidation  of  candidates and voters  of  the  weaker sections  of  society has increased in number instead of  decreasing. Participation  of  the weaker  sections  in franchise has therefore declined.  Very small number of members of backward classes are elected from non-reserved constituencies. This alone shows that inspite of  fifty years of  independence the weaker sections stand no where in open competition.


     No systematic statistics have ever been collected about eligible Dalits registered as voters, Dalit voters who cast  their votes, Dalit voters who were not allowed to cast their  votes, Dalit voter who were not allowed to cast their votes freely and fairly.


     Electoral  reforms  in this country are the  most talked about the least enacted subject.  Three capital M’s have stood  in the way of the members of the Samaj trying to become  political masters-Money power, Mafia  power, and the Media  power. Elections continue to yield to the manipulative tactics of the privileged few who control Money, Mafia and Media.


     Without political empowerment of the members of        Bahujan Samaj it would not be possible to improve  their economic well being.  And without economic well being it would not be possible for  them to compete  in the political arena.  Both fields continue to be monopolized by the privileged few. The Bahujan Samaj  is smarting under this twin helplessness. In the   words of Dr.Ambedkar-“There  can be no gainsaying that political power in this country  has too long been the monopoly of a  few and the many  are  not  only beasts of burden, but  also beasts of prey”.


     This  monopoly  has not merely deprived  them  of        their chances of betterment, it has sapped them of  what may be called the significance  of  life.  Those  down trodden classes  are  tired of being governed.  They are impatient to govern themselves. The urge   for self-realisation  the  down trodden classes must  not be allowed to devolve into a class struggle or class war. It would  lead  to a division of the House.   That would indeed be  a day of disaster.  For, as has been well said by Abraham Lincoln, “A  House  divided  against  itself  cannot stand  very long”.  Therefore, the sooner room  is made for  the realization of their aspiration, the better for the maintenance of  its independence and the  better for the continuance of  its democratic structure. This can only  be  done by the establishment of  equality and  fraternity in all spheres of life.”


     There  have been instances in the recent past in  which some cynical sections of the masses have expressed distrust in the very structure of  democracy. Naxal movement is one such example of desperation.  The Bahujan Samaj believes in the system. The Samaj  would  rather cleanse the  political system and use it to bring about social transformation.


    The Samaj, being economically weak, does not have        any sway  on  the  three Ms of the election trade-  the Money, the Mafia, and the Media.  It is in the process of organizing  itself on the strength of its programs and policies  rather  than any manipulative tactic. That is one reason why our progress is slow but sure. We will unite the  landless  cultivators, the small and  marginal farmers, the artisans, the primary workers, the OBCs, the backwards, the  Scheduled Castes, the Tribals,and the minorities,  on  a common platform based on genuine implementation  of the provisions of India’ Constitution. We will use   political power to achieve social transformation,  and  within the diversity of customs, cultures,  professions, religions, castes and  languages,  we will unite  the  society on the basis of  respect  and    reverence for fellowmen.


     While achieving the social transformation through        political  power  we will be guided by the definition  of Democracy given by Dr.Ambedkar :


     “A  democratic  form of Government presupposes  a        democratic  form  of  society.  The formal  framework  of democracy  is of no value and would indeed be a misfit if there was no social democracy. The  politicians never realised that democracy was not a form of Government; it was essentially a form of    society.. a social organisation free from rigid social barriers. Democracy is incompatible  and  inconsistent   with  isolation  and  exclusiveness,  resulting in the distinction between the privileged and the unprivileged.”


      “On 26th  January 1950. India  will  be  an Independent country (Cheers). What would happen to  her independence?  Will she maintain her independence or will she lose  it again?  This is the first thought that comes to my mind. It  is  not  that   India  was  never an independent country. The point is that she once lost the independence  she had.  Will she lose it a second time? It is this thought  which makes me most anxious for  the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by  the  infidelity and treachery of some of  her  own people …..                                        


      Will history repeat itself?  It is this thought which fills me with anxiety.  This anxiety is deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to our  old enemies in the form of castes and creeds, we are going to have many  political  parties with diverse  and  opposing political  creeds.  Will Indians place the country above their creed or will they place creed above country? I do not know. But this much is certain  that if the parties place  creed above country, our independence will be put it jeopardy a second time and probably be lost for ever. This  eventuality  we  must all  resolutely  guard against. We must be determined  to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood. ( Cheers ).


Few interviews by Kanshi Ram in different journals and daily newspapers as published is given below.




    Q.1.  Now that the BSP government has fallen, what do you    plan to do?          


  1. I intend to relax for some time.  Then from November till the first week of December we will organize a  number  of melas. For instance, there  will be a Jyotiba  Phule  mela  in Gwalior, a tribal mela in Jabalpur and a Chandal mela in West Bengal. The Chandal mela for instance will revolve around three slogans-  Jiska Raaj Nahi Uska Taaj Nahi, Jiska Dal Nahi Uska Bal Nahi and whether you  get food or not you should get yourself educated. In Bengali these slogans sound very attractive. The melas for  instance in Bengal would be organised along the  lines of the Durgapuja and  instead of being concentrated in one  area  spread across a 100km radius.


     Then in late November upto the middle of December  there will be a  series of rallies covering a cluster of about four or five Parliamentary  and  about 20 Assembly segments in which at least five  lakh  people  participate. There will be 20 such rallies in UP and 20across the country. If elections are called        before that then perhaps the number of rallies will come down.


    Q.2.  What is the message you intend to give out at these Rallies ?


  1. I will tell my people to uproot the forces of status quo. Bring about change by building your own force. Get 250 of your Legislators into the Assembly and Mayawati should be the ruler of UP again.


     Q.3.  Do you consider Mulayam Singh Yadav to be among the forces of status quo?


  1. Mulayam  Singh is no force as far as I feel.  I had organised a Yadav rally on the suggestion of the Ghosi Yadavs who are numerically  stronger among the Yadav community. In fact, we have tested  each  Jati in UP by holding rallies like  the  Yadav rally in  Lucknow. And in each such rally there were  not  less than one lakh people.


    Q.4.  With the possibility of elections increasing in the State, would you  prefer  simultaneous Assembly  and  Lok  Sabha Elections ?


  1. I would like to have them simultaneously.


    Q.5.  The BJP is also of the same view?


  1. Yes. But the  Congress may not want them        simultneously. They perhaps feel that the Muslim vote will come to them if the Lok Sabha elections are held separately.


          However, once or  twice I did think of  dissolving  the Assembly but then I felt that the credit or discredit of bringing down the  government should go to the BSP. They should withdraw their support. With their withdrawal of support, the  scheduled caste vote would consolidate.


    Q.6. Earlier, the BJP had claimed credit for bringing the first Dalit government to power ?


  1. That positive message has now turned negative. That is what we wanted.


    Q.7. In its memorandum to the Governor while withdrawing support to your government,the BJP charged your government of corruption, among other things?


  1. They can level whatever charges they want. But my one charge that  they  are  a Manuvadi  force  will  effectively  counter all their charges.


  Q.8. Do you think the BJP will retain its position  in  the State ?


  1. It will not even get 15 Lok Sabha seats.   We  will  ensure that it does not get them.


  Q.9. How will you ensure that unless the centrist forces come together to prevent a division of non-BJP votes ?


  1. If you look at the shift in percentages of the social composition of the voters you will realize. For instance, the SC  vote which  was  only 23% of the total vote earlier has risen to 26%. Similarly there  has been a rise in  the  OBC  voter percentage. This  is because the growth in population over the last 18-20 years is now getting converted  into  voters. The        comparative  percentage  of the upper caste voters has  declined. From 21%, I believe, it has now shrunk to 18%.


     Now 90% of this upper caste vote will go to  the  BJP. Similarly,  90% of the SC vote will remain with the BSP. But the most backward caste votes (which includes 73 castes like  Nishad and Mallas) which used to go to the BJP earlier and has religious affiliations with it, will now be divided between them and us. The MBCs have  no  conflict  with   the  BSP.   We made their representatives Ministers in the Mayawati government.  Similarly, the backward castes will be devided between the SP and the BSP.


     Q.10.  Even  then  if  the   SP  and  the  BSP  fight  separately, would not the BJP stand to gain ?


  1. In the four and a half month that we were in power, we have prepared our anti-BJP vote to such an extent that it will cut into any advantage that the party thinks it will get from the splintering  of the non-BJP votes. That besides we have already        tested Mulayam Singh Yadav. You can test a person only once. He has betrayed us. You can’t allow yourself to be betrayed all the time. I have been betrayed by him several times. I would go to him to reform  him  and he would instead go the media  and  claim that Kanshi Ram has givem him a clean chit after he has given him Rs.25 crore. An innocent person like me had given him everything and he repaid  me in this fashion, by talking like this about me to the journalists.


      Q11. Will you think of having adjustments with  some  Party?


  1. I can’tsay anything about any taalmel (adjustment) right now. I will talk about it about one before the elections. Until then I will concentrate on strengthening our organisation. It is on the basis of our strengt hand the strength of our organisation  that we will talk to the others. We have increased  our strength. I have recruited 70 to 80 lakh into our organisation during the four and half months we were in power. In fact during  this period I have tried to build our jan adhar. Now we have to test this jan adhar-this popular base. For that, as I said. I intend to hold a series of melas and rallies across  the country.


     Q.12. Have  you been in touch with the JD leaders  after the BJP withdrew support from your Government?


  1. I am in contact with everybody.  One section of  the JD is very  happy  with  what has happened.   People  like  Laloo Prasad yadav and Sharad Yadav are very happy. If I maintain that the BJP’s withdrawal of support was “good riddance”, these people go to the  extent  of  saying  it  is  a  “very  good  riddance”. V.P.Singh  is in regualr touch with me.  UP JD leaders have  been in touch with  me.  Then there is a section within the Congress which wants to have an alliance with me. Sitaram Kesari and Ajit Singh for instance.


      Q.13.  You said you would prefer simultaneous Assembly and Lok Sabha  polls  in  UP  but  if the  Centre  decides  on  early elections in the State, how would it affect the BSP?


  1. Early elections will also suit us.  We have  already established our strength.  Now we have to prove it.


       Q.14.  When you meet the Prime Minister about a fortnight back did  the possibility of the BJP’s withdrawal of support came  up for discussion?     


  1. I met him at my initiative. I had to meet him  with regard to  this house. But this issue(about the house) has still not been resolved because the Principal Secretary A.N.Varma  fell ill. I may meet the Prime Minister again when he  returns from abroad.


       Q.15. With the Assembly under suspended animation do you see attempts at horse trading?


  1. That  is for the Congress to consider.  But I think that it is a  procedural  issue that until lit  is  approved  by Parliament, the Assembly should be put under suspended animation.


      Q.16. Do you think that some SP or BSP  legislators may cross over to the BJP to help it form a Government?


  1. My  men  will not break easily.  And  Mulayam  Singh Yadav has  so many that they would have to take away at least  43 to ensure  a split in the party.  That besides, while SP and  BSP people can  cross over to each other’s camps.  I don’t think they  will go to  the  BJP.  Their mentality is against the BJP. They can perhaps, if the Congress helps them.   But I think the COngress would be happy with Governor’s Rule.


      Q.17.  Mayawati is reported to have telephoned Mulayam  Singh Yadav the day the BJP withdraw support from the Government?


  1. It will be a big wonder if Mayawati is ready to go with Mulayam Singh Yadav.


      Q.18.  Have you spoken to him?


  1. If there is anything of this kind voh mleri jan  le legi (she will kill me). Donon ek doosre ke khoon ke pyase hain. Both Mulayam Singh and Mayawati thirst for each other’s blood.




       Q.1.  Kanshi Ramji, you have struck an alliance with the Congress. Now what were the factors that motivated you to opt for this?


  1. Because everybody is going in for an alliance. The people also  motivated  us  since  India  has entered into the politics of alliance. The BJP has an alliance with other parties and the government  itelf is one of alliances. When the  people vote they  don’t  think  which party will win or  not  but  which        alliance hahs winning chance.


       Q.2.  Why did you choose the Congress?


  1. I chose the Congress because of its  weakness. As long as the  Congress  was  strong. I hated it but  now  it  has   become weak so its weakness has attracted me.


       Q.3.  Could you tell us a little more about  this weakness?


  1. Do you need more telling? We have an  alliance in which we are contesting 300 seats and they are contesting 125 and in advance we have told them that Mayawati would be the Chief Minister.


     It is only  because  of some weakness  that  they  have conceded to all these things. Congress is a bigger party, it is an older party, it has been ruling India and uttar Pradesh since long then why should they accept the chief ministership of a new party like the BSP?


      Q.4.  You wanted a party which would totally surrender to your terms and conditions?


  1. Yes, because of this alliance we are going to emerge as a new force to reckon with. I fell that the real polarisation in India  would be on one issue:  status quo versus change. The forces representing  status quo have emerged in the form of  BJP and the forces for change will have to emerge and this  will        emerge in the form of the BSP.


     There will be two party system in the 21st century and we are trying to emerge as and build forces of change. A weak Congress can help us in this.


      Q.5.  But you had called the Congress A team of Manuwadis and it represented the forces of status quo?


  1. Yes as long as it was the A team we hated it but now that it has become the B team we have started strengthening it.


      Q.6.   But it is still represented by the same leader and the same people are there?


  1. I like Congress because of Narasimha Rao. I have liked Narasimha Rao since the last few years.


      Q.7.   Do you think that with this alliance you can bring down the position of the Congress even further and finish it off altogether? Does that possibility also exist?



  1. No, we want to keep the Congress alive. It  should remain as a hurdle on the path of the BJP. The BSP cannot become a hurdle to the BJP. BSP can be a hurdle to SP and Janata  Dal and vice  versa.  But it is only the Congress which can cut  into the BJP vote.  So I feel it is my duty to strengthen the Congress        to a level where it becomes a hindrance to the BJP.


     Q.8.   But the Congress got only eitht percent of  the  votes in Uttar Pradesh.


  1. Wait for three months. We will bring Congress  back to the level of votes of 93 and in terms of seats to the level of 91. We have adjusted the seats as per that scheme of things.


     Q.9.   You  hope to transfer your vote share to them and hope that they will be able to transfer theirs to you?


  1. Their  votes  may not come to us. I have  told my people that don’t depend on the Congress, not even for one seat. I have told  my  people you have to win on your own but  we  will help the  Congress  and try to see that instead of the  28  seats they won  in 1993, they should add a minimum of 50. They should be at least 78.  That can be done.


     I  have seen that even today whatever the votes  Congress has got, if BSP votes are added to that, Congress will win  more than 50 seats.


     After studying all the 425 segments I have seen that even if the Congress and the BSP vote does not increase at all, the Congress can go up to 60. My job is to see that it goes upto 80.


     Q.10. I am unable to understand both your  logic  and mathematics because both numerically and politically speaking the eight per  cent  vote bank of the Congress is largely  the  upper caste vote bank  which loves to hate the Dalits and Kanshi Ram         Why should  this vote  bank  come  with  the  BSP  only  because Narasimha Rao has joined hands with you?



  1. Kanshi  Ram does not expect a single vote  from the Congress. I am talking about the Congress  and  the  benefit accruing to it. The number one reason I am having an  alliance with the  Congress  is  because the forces of status  quo  have emerged and  the forces of change have yet to emerge. So how  do  we emerge? We will emerge  by helping  Congress. I  wil go further.


      First you have to be convinced that Congress  will benefit. Even if whatever votes Congress gets, out of the  125 seats allotted to them if our votes are added to them… or do you doubt that I can transfer the Scheduled Caste votes for them.


     Q.11. There is no doubt that you can transfer  20  per cent of the Scheduled Caste votes to them. But the Congress vote bank is reducing  because they have joined hands with you.  Still it does not  help  the Congress to reach the 38% of the BJP vote bank?


  1. Congress need not reach 38. I am saying  they  may reach 14 or 15 per cent.  My job remains to make them win between 80 and 100 seats. Once they win this and get 15 per cent votes, it becomes a competitor to the BJP. At the moment the Congress        is out, it has been eliminated. But it must compete with the BJP in the Hindi heartland. If I can increase its quota of seats and votes, as compared to BSP it still remains weak. I feel Congress is a Brahminical party. The Brahmins have gone from the Congress  for two reasons.


      The  Scheduled Castes have gone and the Muslims have left them. I used to tell my people, Scheduled Castes plus Muslims led by Brahmins is the Congress.  If our vote goes to Congress we can take  Congress 80 to 100. In this Lok Sabha election, we saw the difference between Congress and BJP is marginal. BJP got 160 seats, Congress got 142. If BSP has influence  over Scheduled Castes votes all over India, we can help the Congress in the coming elections, they can get over 200 seats.


      Q.12. Yoy are hopeful of an alliance with Congress  in the next Lok Sabha elections ?


  1. In the next election the BSP and the Congress should form the government at the Centre. And we will emerge by first having some state governments and then BSP must cross 100 members of Parliament.  From 1, we become 3, and from 3 to 11 and from 11  we must emerge in a big way and have 100 MPs in Parliament. In this, the Congress can be of use to us.


      Q.13.   Are  you  looking at Madhya Pradesh  to  have  an  alliance there with the Congress ?


  1. It will be all over India.


    Q.14.  Is Madhya Pradesh the next on the list?


  1. I am not looking, they are looking.


    Q.15.  Are you nodding and saying yes?


  1. I am nodding without saying yes(laughs).


    Q.16. What is it that you would like to wait for ?


  1. To have a better share.


    Q.17. What about Punjab? Would you continue your  ties  with the Akalis ?


  1. As soon as the Akalis went to Parliament, they  went to the BJP. Even  before the elections I  had told them my position has changed. I consider BJP as the number one opponent of the BSP, as a force  which has emerged  on  behalf of the Brahmins or for status quo but still they thought that the BJP would form the government and they may also join the government.


     Q.18.   But not so long ago, you had a different view  of the BJP when you took their support to form the government in UP.


  1. Yes, it is because of the BJP that we have emerged to some extent.


     Q.19. At that time too it was as much a  Brahminical party as it is today.   


  1. But  it was weak as compared to the Congress. I am talking in  terms of all India, it was much less and much  weaker than the Congress. Our target is the Central Government. As far as UP is concerned, we were supported by the Congress in writing, suported  by CPI and lastly by the BJP.  All Brahminical  parties  supported us.


     We took their support to advance ourselves and from 11% vote with alliance, without alliance we jumped to 21 per cent. That is the benefit we got.  BJP was having an alliance with the Janata Dal, it finished the Janata Dal but BJP could not damage the BSP.


      Q.20.  Now that the Congress has agreed to take 125 seats in UP, they are keen that you share the rest of the  300  seats with the SP, the Janata Dal, the left Front.


  1. Who told you this?


      Q.21.   This was announced by the AICC general  secretary  B.P.Maurya  who  said  that they should try and have a straight fight between the BJP and the rest of the secular forces.


  1. They would like that, but what would Kanshi Ram like? I have already told them that I am negotiating, not them.  I  am negotiating with the Janata Dal and whatever has to be given to   Janata Dal will be given 50-50 from both the sides.


      Q.22. You don’t see a situation where you  might  get  eliminated and the BJP might come out on top?


  1. I don’t think that can happen and BJP does not think so either. Had it been so, Vajpayee would not have spent one and a half hours here with me.  He was keen that even if I don’t have an alliance  with  them, at least I should not have an alliance  with the Congress.


      Q.23. What about support from the Muslims.  You  have always taken a stance against the Muslims?


  1. Muslims  may  not come with us. As long as  we  are majboor, but when we become majboot. Muslim will come on  their own. The weak cannot protect them.  I tried to convince them that you  share power and on your own you become strong enough to face whatever injustice is done to you. But they say no, someone  else should do it for us.  V.P.Singh and Mulayam Singh said they would do it, and they said I should also give an undertaking that I will do it. I refused.


       My  job is to make the Dalits get justice so you can also prepare yourself. I can give you the opportunity to build  your leadership, to have a share in the governance of the land. That way you can  face  your opponents on your own. According to my experience  over  the  last so many elections in 1989 I gave 19 tickets for Parliament and 96 Assembly tickets to the Muslims and six MLAs were elected..


      Q.24.   There  are  reports  that you  are  very  heavily influenced  by  Mayawati that is why your alliance with Mulayam Singh Yadav could not take place.  Would you like to comment  on   This?


  1. It  is  not worth commenting on but since  you  have asked I will  answer.  My job in the Bahujan Samaj Party is of  a different  nature. It is not just a relationship between the president and the general secretary or between the President and others. It is also the relationship between a guru and chela.


      In every  state, I have a chela,  some  of  them  have improved a lot but Mayawati has improved the maximum. She has developed as a good speaker but her voice was troubling her. But after July 15, she will be fighting fit. So it is not Mayawati who has influenced  me  to  announce that she will be  the  Chief Minister, it is my inner urge. Mayawati too was surprised when I announced this. It is my duty to make her the Chief Minister.


      Q.25. So it is basically the urge to make Mayawati  the Chief Minister that has stopped you from an alliance with Mulayam  Singh?


  1. This is one of the reasons though there  are  other reasons also.


      Q.26.  It is said that every time Mayawati went to see him, she  demanded  money  as the price of her  support  to  this alliance. How far as these reports correct?


  1. I am hearing this for the first time from you. She never got a single  paisa from Mulayam Singh.   She got money through me. On October 14, 1971, I had taken the decision  that if Kanshi  Ram had to enter this mission, he must have no family, no property.   If someone can prove that I have even a room  like  this anywhere in the  world, I am prepared for the  highest punishment in the world. Money has to come  for contesting elections etc but for that I have my own system.


       Q.27.  What is the system?


  1. I have my own currency, 100 rupee not, 500 and 1,000. These are  the  coupons. I issue coupons.  And even before  this elections I got Rs.70 lakh through coupons. Except five-six Scheduled Castes candidates. I have not paid a single paisa to any of the  85  candidates. I have to spend that money on        helicopter and on my mobility.


     Q.28.   But again the same thing is being said about your alliance with the Congress. Congressmen are saying that you took a huge amount of money from the Congress for striking this alliance.


  1. Politicians deal with such things.  Because I am  in  politics,  they  think  I  work in the same way. Now they are talking of Indian money, long time back, when I was emerging as a  force, they  were  talking  of CIA money. Such questions were raised in Parliament during Indira Gandhi’s time too.


     Q.29. History has shown that without bloodshed the real transfer  of  power has never been able to take place. Are you sure that the Bahujan  Samaj can become the master of its own destiny without bloodshed?


  1. If it is required, we must prepare for all  the eventualities. After seeing this Lok Sabha  election, I am preparing an army of 10 lakh volunteers in UP  alone, Bahujan Raksha Dal, their job will be to enlist the voters. A lot of places, Scheduled Caste people are not listed as voters, then  casting  the vote-more that 90 per cent,  and  then counting  the votes. And facing the consequences upto six months        later. I am giving them a slogan-Bees tarik kiske naam, BSP ke naam BSP ke naam.


      And if the eventuality comes for  bloodshed  we  shall prepare for that also. But we would prefer to come to power through the ballot. Bahujan Samaj must become the ruling samaj of India. Whoever becomes the Prime Minister is immaterial. If position comes it will be used for the Bahujan Samaj. There will never be a scandal as far as Kanshi Ram is concerned  regarding money.


  1. SUNDAY 13-19/2/94


    Q.1. What was the substance of your just-concluded three hour-long meeting with Mulayam Singh Yadav ?


  1. We had not met for a long time so we had to  talk about how he has been running the government and how he should be running it. I am very upset about the Allahabad incident. And we have been talking about  how he should handle atrocities against Scheduled Caste people.


    I have asked him to look into the Allahabad incident and conduct an  enquiry  into the incident.  Already, four officers have been suspended. The officials there belong to the Scheduled Castes. They should be doubly punished.


    Q.2. You had said that you would review the BSP-SP  alliance after six months. How have you done so far?


  1. I cannot say yet. I am yet to asses the  alliance. We have our limitations. It was my desire to install Mulayam as the chief minister. But now he should deliver.


     Q.3. You seem to be apprehensive about whether  he Will ….


  1. That’s  because of the bureaucracy. The  Scheduled  Caste bureaucrats are not delivering.


     Q.4. Doesn’t that defeat the purpose of reservations?


  1. No it doesn’t because it benefits these people, their families. But they then become chamchas.   I call them neo-Brahmins.


     Q.5. Do you feel that today the backwards deserve  more reservation than the Scheduled Castes?


  1. Yes.


     Q.6. How do you explain your support to a candidate like Jayant Malhoutra,who is not a Scheduled Caste, backward or even oppressed for that matter?


  1. Mulayam had promised to get Malhoutra into the Rajya Sabha.  He  had  been an intermediary and he told Mulayam Singh that since  he  had been his dalal-taking his messages to me and vice-versa-he should  get a ticket. Since I didn’t want to  get into a dispute, I desided to support his candidature.


     Q.7. Jayant Malhoutra says he had a role in getting you and Mulayam together. What did he exactly do?


  1. Who is he to get us together? From my side he did nothing. I didn’t want to get into an  alliance  with  anyone. Malhoutra  certainly  didn’t have a big role to play. A lot of people think  that they should approach Malhoutra if they want to meet me. I have known him for a long time; actually, not  even        so long. I first met him when the V.P.Singh Government fell in 1990.


     Q.8. You have also stated that you are not interested in extending your alliance wiht Mulayam beyond UP.


  1. Yes, that’s true. In Maharashtra I am  talking to some local leaders although nothing has been finalised yet. In Andhra Pradesh I got a treamendous response.


     Q.9.  When will you be able to stand on your own?


  1. For the time being, neither Mulayam Singh nor myself  can stand  alone in UP.  That’s why we got together. Our purpose was to get the BJP defeated.  Our next aim was to have  Mulayam Singh on the chief minister’s chair. Thirdly, we wanted to serve a notice  to the BJP at the Centre and check its growth  in  New Delhi.  And finally, we wanted to sideline people like V.P.Singh, Chandra Shekhar and Ajit Singh.


    Q.10. In that case why did you allow V.P.Singh to share the podium with you in Bombay?


  1. V.P.Singh sent me a message saying he wanted to meet me. He wanted to attend my meeting and express his views on how we can do away with caste. I don’t regret calling him. In fact, even Narasimha Rao can come to my platform and so can Atal Behari Vajpayee or L.K.Advani. we need to know what they have to say. Let them strengthen our hands. What’s the harm in that?


     Q.11. Nothing, except that people have been saying that you are an opportunist.


  1. The Congress is supporting us unconditionally in UP. If they are prepared to support us unconditionally, I’ll take it I had told the  Congress  to get together with the BJP  and  the Janata Dal and  form the government in UP.  But they did not  do so. The Congress said they would support me. I told them to do so unconditionally and they agreed.


       What I told Mulayam after the elections was to form the government with the support of the Congress and the Janata  Dal, and then  continue to run it with the suport of the BJP. The BJP is afraid of elections.  Today they have 33 percent of the votes tomorrow  they  may  get only 23. It will be a big  setback for them.


     Q.12.  So if you are prepared to have alliances with just about anyone, you still remain open to the charge of  being  an opportunist.


  1. My fight is against Brahminism. If a Brahmin  voter votes for me unconditionally, do you expect me to tell him not to vote for me? If you are a Brahmin and still vote for me, how do I become an opportunist?


     Infact, you are an opportunist for voting for me.


  1. THE PIONEER 13.12.96.


    Q1.  What are the chances of your joining forces with the  Congress for the Punjab Assembly elections?


  1. To keep Akali Dal and BJP out of power in Punjab, we feel it necessary to strengthen the  weakened Congress. All alone, neither  Congress  nor BSP will be able to stop them. So there are bright chances of an alliance with the Congress.


   Q.2. When will the allilance be announced-formally?


  1. It will be after the first week of January. I  had made a four phase programme for Punjab. The first phase was to awaken the people by addressing them in all the 117 constituencies. In the second phase, I am  attending 17 conference of those castes whose  representatives have been deprived of becoming an MLA or MP-the BSP may give them tickets for Assembly  elections after watching their strength. In the  third phase, I will ask them to stand for their rights and in the last phase, there will be ‘shakti pradarshan’ (Show of strength rally on December 29 at  Ludhiana, to create a sense of realisation among them about their own strength. There after, we will start  selecting  seats. Much will depend on the date of   notification also.


    Q.3. You met with Congress president Sitaram kesri  on Sunday night regarding the alliance.What transpired during the Meeting?


  1. He(Kesri) was trying to convince me that the  BSP should have an alliance with the Congress, otherwise both stand to lose and  the Congress will not be able to form the Government in Punjab.


    Our  alliance in UP was expecting around 200 seats in the Assembly  but we got only 100. The Congress won 33 seats and finished a close second in 41 constituences. It was quite possible for them to have won 20 seats more. Similarly, the BSP bagged 68 seats and came second on 93. It was quite possible for us to have won 30-40 seats more-which could have helped us  to form the Government in UP.


    He(Kesri) said, we (the combine) would be able to  form the government in Punjab if we manage to get more thaen 60 seats. We are already  having an alliancae with the Congress in UP. If the alliance in Punjab materialises, we may forge an alliance all over India for Parliamentary elections; so that we also stand to    gain at the national-level.


   Q.4.  Are you convinced by these arguments ?


  1. Yes.


   Q.5. So, in principle, you agreed on a poll  alliance in Punjab.


  1. Yes.  An alliance on sharing of seats.


   Q.6. Alliance or seat adjustments.


  1. Seat  adjustments  or  alliance, it is not  much different to us. Whatever policies the Congress is pursuing(in the State), we are in agreement with  them. But why lack implementation. Because of our   pressure, these will get implemented.


  Q.7.  Before the UP elections, the BSP projected Mayawati as the chief minister. What will you do for Punjab?


  1. In UP, we thought if we announce the name of  our chief minister in advance, it will be more  advantageous. In Punjab they (Congress) are already haveing a Government. On principle, the chief minister will be from the Congress.


   Q.8. If the alliance comes to power, will you also join the Government?


  1. Yes. We’ll like to share power in the State.


   Q.9. What do you foresee in the UP political scene?


  1. There has been no substantial change in the political process in  the  last  two  months. So, I  feel, there may be elections again in UP.


   Q.10. Are the BJP leaders still in touch with you?


  1. I am not directly in touch with either BJP or        Samajwadi Party. There are some people in between.  For the U.F. and SP, there is CM Ibrahim. For the BJP, there are some people who are close to the party and me also. It will not be  proper for me to name them.


  Q.11. What are the proposals from both these groups?


  1. From  the BJP camp. I met Advani and Vajpayee  only once and had a three-hour discussion. I told them we can not afford to be too close to the BJP. But if without coming closer to us, they support us to form the government in UP, it will fulfill their desire:  to weaken the Congress, Left parties and U.F. We told them (BJP) that an alliance will not be useful for        either of  us. If  they  want to support us, it  will  be from outside and  unconditional, like the last  time. They were expressing their difficulties on behalf of Kalyan Singh. Now they think, because of  the court case, that this is  the last chance for  Kalyan. If  the court does not give a favourable        verdict, the BJP may tell him, it is high time you listened  to us. The high ups in BJP are favourable to my suggestion.


     Q.12. This means that if the verdict goes in favour of President’s Rule, Mayawati will be the chief  minister with outside suport from the BJP?


  1. That is possible. But what happens, when  such a situation comes, just as the BJP is about to  act-the U.F. reacts.


     Q.13. Does this mean that after the BJP decides, the UF may also extend support to form the government?


  1. Yes, they may. They are not  acting: they  are reacting. But then it will be up to us to decide.  And we’ll see  only at that time.


     Q.14. Will it not be strange to have a government with  support of BJP in UP and share power with the Congress in Punjab?


  1. We will be having our own government in UP.  We will not be having  an alliance with any party.  In Punjab, it will be a coalition government.


     Q.15. The congress has continued its support to the UF Government despite their refusal to install Mayawati as UP chief minister. You are again heading for an alliance with  them  in Punjab?


  1. There was no agreement with the Congress that they would withdraw support. There was only an understanding and that too with Narasimha Rao, that whether some government is formed or not, after the UP Assembly elections,they will withdraw support to the UF Government and within six months there would be  fresh elections for Lok Sabha. Now it is not for Rao to decide. Kesri is the president. But Kesri is not in a position to decide. Because Rao is the leader of CPP and so there are many factors.


     Q.16. Between Rao and Kesri, whom do you feel  more comfortable with?


  1. Both. But I had a liking for Rao because he  helped me in my mission to destroy Congress.


     Q.17.  How long will the Gowda Government last?


  1. It  is  very  difficult to predict  at  this  stage. Punjab elections  will  also  set the pace. We are hopping for general elections in 1997.


     Q.18. How do you compare the Gowda Government with the Rao Government?


  1. Rao Governmet in its five-year tenure  increased corruption, but this Gowda Government inherited corruption. Both are poor  in terms of performance.  A Government committed to the   cause of Scheduled Castes is yet to come.


      Q.19.   There  is  much talk about Sonia  Gandhi  joining  active politics. Will she be able to improve  the Congress  prospects ?


  1. Congress people are trying to roppe her in to improve their chances. They may have to face opposition. I don’t think that she has a magic wand which will suddenly improve the situation. But she is still a craze for some Congressman. They are in search  of an easy option. I don’t think this will revive Congress.  They have to go the hard way.


  1. THE PIONEER 12.12.97. (Ms.Mayawati)


    Q.1. What will be BSP’s slogan in this election ?


  1. We will campaign against two things: Corruption and criminalisation in politics. Both used to be the BJP’s slogans. But today they cannot claim either. In  Uttar Pradesh, they formed the Government and inducted criminals as ministers. And defection has been the major theme.


      Wherever they (BJP) have formed Governments – even at the Centre where they had a 13 day  Government-they have given sanction to corruption in a big way.


      The BJP has given space criminals and encouraged      corruption.


      The BJP talks of stability, All parties are talking abour stability and having an ideal Prime Minister. But why is BJP silent criminalisation and  corruption. We have decided to exposed BJP and bring about these main slogan.


      We want that till the we come to power at  the  Centre, here should be majboor(dependent) Government,   not a mazboot (strong) Government.


       A mazboot Government, where one party has  absolute majority, is not in our favour. The Bahujan  Samaj can only benefit when  we form the Government at the Centre-a Government of garib and mazloom(poor).


       A  mazboor and dependent Government cannot harm the  BSP. It cannot take major actions against us.


      If  there  is a strong Government, it will not  have any fear and exploit us. There will be economic  exploitation too-exploitation in every segment of society. We will keep this issue in mind during this election.


     Q2.  Do you think there will be another election soon?


  1. Of course. In this election no  lparty  will  get absolute majority. The United  Front Government  fell in 18 months. The next one may last two years, at the most.


      Q.3. The BSP is now an important factor in the  elections. The  Congress has shown keeness to have an  alliance with you, particularly in Utta Pradesh,  MLadhya Pradesh Rajasthan and Punjab.Your Comment ?


  1. Before anything, we will observe the battle of other parties, particularly in terms of Samajwadi Party.


      And whenever we decide on an alliance it will be done for the advantage of the BSP. We are keenly studying the  pre-poll plans of the parties we intend to align with.  What is the hurry?


     Q.4.  The SP is keen to align with Congress.


  1. I have no knowledge about this. We cannot have  any  for of alliance with the SP.


     Q.5.  But what will be the BSP’s role if the  SP  joins  with the Congress?


  1. Then there will no alliance.  We will isolate the SP in this election.  We will marginalise them.  We will ensure they lose most lof the seats they have.


     Q.6.   Will  you  not  campaign on the  issue  of  social Justice?


  1. Social  justice will contunue to be our main  plank. But this time we have two other aspects-criminalisation  and corruption.


      We are also talking about social change and economic self  dependence.


    Q7.  Do frequent election have any effect on the voters?


  1. Of course they do. Buut the UF and  the  Congress  should be thinking on those lines. We were not in the Government nor were we supporting it.


   Q.8.  What is your analysis of the coming election?


  1. I don’t think any party will get absolute  majority. Another coalition will be returned. It will also not last long, two years at the most.


   Q.9 What are your plans about Bihar?


  1. Yes  we will contest in Bihar now that the BSP is  a national  lparty. We  will give thrust to open our  account  in Bihar.  We already have seats in the Assembly.


   Q.10.  Will caste play a major role this time?


  1. What  is so great about it? In every  election  caste plays a major role. It won’t be anything new this time.


        However, the biggest deterrent is caste   politics. Parties who claim to abhor casteism are playing the caste card in politcs.


      And casteism is being played up by Brahmamanvad, of which the BSP is a victim.


    Q.11  But when  you formed Governments in UP,  both  the times, there were caste carnage all over the State?


  1. That is all over India. Show me a State where there is no caste violence. Why are you only talking  about BSP? Casteism has done the ‘beda-gark’ (damaged) of India.





     Q1. Why  are  you  so hostile to  all  the  national parties, especially communists? 


  1. To my mind, all parties represent the forces of status quo. For us, politics is the politics of transformation. The existing parties are the reason for the status quo. That is way there has been no upward mobility for the backward communities.


     The Communist parties have become the biggest  stumbling block in this regard. They keep talking about change, but  work for status quo. The BJP is better, they never talk about change. So people never feel duped.


     Parties like the Congress and communists talk  about abolishing poverty, but work towards keeping people poor. If the poor are not kept poor, these people cannot  remain  in  their  seats.


    Q2.   At this Congress centenary, Arun Singh said your emergence was not healthy for the national ethos.


  1. He  is the grandson of a maharaja who never  kept the interests of the nation in mind.  Nationalism  to him is feudalism. Nationalism to me are the masses of India. I believe in the two nation theory: those who oppress and those who are oppressed. What does the grandson of a wretched maharaja know about nationalism? What can we expect from Arun Singh than such things?


    Q3.  Why is your cadre so hostile to Mahatma Gandhi?


    Gandhi is the root of every-thing! I want change.  Dr.Ambedkar wanted change. But Gandhi was the  custodian of status quo. He wanted Shudras to remain Shudras. Gandhi worked to keep the nation divided. We are working to unite the nation and erase all artificial divisions.


    Q.4. Why has your movement taken so much  time  to  become a reality?


        Up  to 1971, I was not much interested. I was working  with  the  RPI. Then I found I was marching towards a ship that others were deserting.


        It took a long time to prepare myself and others. We had to collect a lot of information, so that we could know how to prepare  society and build a cadre. Preparing society initially took a long time.  Now we are moving at a tremendous speed.  Next     year when you meet me, you will ask me how  we have  acquired  speed.


      Q.5. How can you abolish Caste by floating a Casteist  Body?


      The  BSP  is not a Casteist party.  If we are  uniting 6000 Castes, how can you call us Casteist?


      Q.6.  I believe your party is off limits to the upper Castes?


      The  upper  castes say why not include us. I say  you  are  leading  all the parties.  If you join our party, you will block change here also. The upper castes can join the party, but  they cannot be its leaders.


      Leadership will remain in the hands of the  backward community. My fear is that these upper castes people will come into our party and block the process of change. When this fear goes, they can join our party.


     Q.7.  What is your constituency ?


      I represent the constituencies of Babu Jagjivan  Ram and  Chaudhary  Charan  Singh.  And may be to some  extent,  Syed Shahabuddin.


     Q.8.  Politicians we spoke to in Delhi say that if the  BSP gets too belligerent, they will finish you politically.


     We will finish them. Because if Indira can  be  finished  by a Chamar, are these fellows going to be saved?  When we  are 90% in the armed forces, 70% in the BSF, 50% in the  CRPF  and the police, who can do injustice to us? A general needs less bullets  compared  to  jawans. They may have  generals,  but  no  jawans.


 Q.9.  Are you advocating an eye for an eye ?


      Two  eyes. I tell my follower EK eet ka jawab,  do patharon  se (you must retaliate for one brick with two  stones), otherwise you are not my followers.


 Q.10. So You are propagating violence.


      I am propagating strength. To curb violence. I must have strength. Other than me, for instance, nobody can crush the Shiv  Sena. Any time I came to Maharastra, I will finish them. The violence of the Shiv Sena will end.


Q.11.  How will you do that?


      Who are the members of the Shiv Sena who burn  and destroy? They are four castes: 1.Agari            2.Bhandari 3.Koli 4.Chamar. They are scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and  most backward communities. As  soon as I touch  Maharashtra, these people will instantly come with me.


Q.12. What make you think that the BSP with not end   UP like RPI? Bargaining for power with the ruling party.


     The RPI never bargained, it was begging. It never  reached the status of bargaining. I remember in 1971, the party struck an electoral alliance with the Congress to contest 521 seats. The Congress contested 520 seats, the RPI contested  one seat.


     I love the RPI, but I hate being compared to it.   It is like a cheap prostitute available at a pittance.  As long as I am alive, this will not happen to the BSP.


     We want change. We don’t want alliances with the forces of status quo. If a government cannot be formed  without our co-operation, then we will have our own  conditions, for change. We want fundamental and structural changes, not cosmetic ones.


     13.Q. There are rumours that you met Haji  Mastan Mirza at Gonda last November to solicit funds.


     I have never met him anywhere. I have only seen  his  photograph. He may be paying other people, but not us, In fact he is being used against us, if anybody can prove that  I  have ever  met  him. I am prepared to face the  highest  punishment. Moreover,  how much money Haji Mastan can have? He is a very     small man compared to me. As far as funds are concerned. If I only have funds like Haji Mastan, how can I beat the Congress and other parties? How many crores can he give us?


    Q.14. There is some mystery about the source of your Funds.


     My  funds come from various sources which will not dry up. My funds come from those people who produce wealth. The Bahujan Samaj produces wealth. I get money from them.


     Lakhs of my people spend crores going  to  festivals like the Kumbh mela to improve their next birth. I tell them Kanshi Ram does not know anything about the next life. But he is  an expert in the present life.


     Those interested in improving their next life. I tell them, must go to the Brahmins on the banks of the Ganga. Those interested in improving their present life must come to me. So they throng to my meeting.


     Q.15. There is talk of your being sponsored by CIA.


      For so many years this government has been  clapping about it. It  distributed lakhs of pamphlets  about this in Bijnore. But the result was that people became furious and could not  be  purchased. Babuji tried to purchase votes at Rs.1000 each. But even those who used to be purchased at Rs.10 turned him down.


     And if I am a CIA man, why hasn’t this  government taken any action against me?  That shows it is a hijra(eunuch) government.


     Q.16. They say you spent a lot of money on the Lucknow rally.


     Rs.22 lakhs were spent on hiring the buses alone.  But I am angry. It should have been Rs.22 crores.  A time will come when people should spend Rs.22 crores on my call.


     I don’t feel any dearth of money. If money is coming from a treasury, it will be extinguished. I am  getting money from a perencial source of funds. I need only one crore rupees to win all the 542 parliamentary seats.


    One day, voters will queue up to pay money to  Kanshi Ram. The next day, they will queue up to vote for Kanshi Ram.


    Q17.  Some of your partyman have broken away from you.


    You cannot keep all the people together. Some people may get tired. Some people may be purchased.  Some may become frightened. This will  be a permanent feature. It  will  not   demoralize us.


    I have created a method where in a given time if  10 people go away. We will produce 110 people of the same calibre.


    Whom we dropped as dead wood, others are trying  to pick up and burn a fire. They are trying to use them against us.


    Q.18. You reiterate that you have nevertaken funds from a foreign source.


     When I went to England two years ago, some  people there  are seven lakh chamars there offered me funds. I decided not to take the money, though Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Buta Singh  had taken money, from the same source, the Ravidas gurdwara in Birmingham. They had given to Babuji also.


     I was the only person who did not accept.


     Q.19.  What kind of change are you looking for?


     I don’t want temporary changes. I am not prepared to attain what I cannot sustain. Let us attain whatever we can, but it must be retained and retained only by permanent change.


    Q.20. And when do you intend to contest elections?


     I will stand  when there are 100 constituencies  in India where I can get a walk over.


     Q.21.  How long will that take


     Two years at the most.



  1. CARAVAN,May(first)1987


     Q.1. You  met President Zail Singh recently over  the issue of rigging in the recent by elections.   What  was  his reaction?  


  1. The President, being a senior politician, was quite aware of this malady. I put before him all  the facts pertaining to the rigging that took place openly in the by elections in U.P. I told him how the  Provincial Armed Constabulary(PAC), theRailway Protection Force (RPF), and the Central Reserve  Police Force (CRPF), openly tempered with the  ballot  boxes,  affixing seals of the ruling party on the  ballot papers  while  the local police looked on indifferently. On one occasion a State  Minister was seen supervising the rigging  operation.


     On 23rd March, the people were allowed to vote  only between 8 a.m. to 12 noon and after that what went on was sheer rigging. All our 16 offices were raided and over 1,000 trusted workers including 193 who had gone underground were arrested. The police  and paramilitary forces used the maximum force in Patti (UP). The police bandobast (arrangment) came to  a standstill in other areas of the State.


     Women belonging to the backward classes were  seen weeping at the polling booths. They were simply not allowed to exercise their franchise.


     The by election in UP were a total farce. The     Election Commissioner had not appointed any observer.  There was no impartial supervising authority which could make  its  voice heard. The entire incident was shocking, to say the least.


     You  can  do such a thing (rigging in  elections) only once. You can’t do it over and over again. The police at the town  level has a majority of members of the backward classes in it, who are emotionally attached to their rights. They have guns too. A crises may erupt if these things continue unabated.


    Q.2.Are you then preaching violence?


  1. Violence in the face of superviolence. If rigging continues, then I will have to form a “super-rigging force”. I will be left with no other choice but to resort to this  extreme step. I am, though, at present trying out  all  constitutional means. I have  approached the Election Commissioner. He has     expressed  his  helplessness. I have called on the Head of the State.


     If the Government checks rampant rigging, then I will be the first to welcome it. But if they fail in their duty, then nobody should blame us. We will not tolerate State terrorism.


     Q.3. Why, in your opinion, have the backward  classes  been voting mostly for the ruling party until recently?


  1. Only the scheduled castes and scheduled  tribes have been voting for Congress. The have nots have been hoping against hope that a day would come when the Congress leaders would implement at least a fraction of what they have been promising to the backward people.


     There is no dearth of good laws, rules and regulations for the protection of the backward community. But how they are implemented makes the difference.


     For  example, if a loan of Rs.5000 is granted to a member of the scheduled caste community, what ultimately reaches the  poor fellow is not more than Rs.3000. The rest is  pocketed by the middleman. Then the Government comes out with a subsidy, waiving  off  the amount paid as a loan. In this manner the middleman keeps filling his coffers while the  downtrodden continue to remain in misery and poverty.


     But  the  Backward community is now beginning  to  see through this game. In Hardwar, over 1 lakh SCs walked over to BSP. This walk-over in just one constituency means there is something seriously wrong in the ruling party’s priorities.


     The BSP has in this manner not only hit the  Congress party but, due to its emergence, the entire opposition in UP has vanished. We are emerging as the No.2 party in UP even when mass rigging in taking place.


     I am organising the backward classes so that they  do not remain helpless as they have been for centuries. I am organizing the most wretched people on earth who are to safeguard their rights.


     We  have  representation in almost every walk of  life from criminals and goondas to salutewalas (the police constables) and (the  police  officers). In the Army, which  is  entirely castebased, our  strength is limitless. Over 90% of the man  in the  army  belong to the backward classes. We have only to tell them  that if they can safeguard our frontiers, they should  also safeguard their own votes.


     Q.4. The Army is above politics. Why do you want  to incite the Army?


  1. No No The Army, after all has not fallen from the sky. It is divided on caste lines. The Ramdasia community, to which I belong, contributes a large number of recruits to the army. The backwards have been contributing the maximum to the armed  forces for ages, e.g., the Sikh Light Infantry, the  Sikh Heavy Machine Gunners, the Mahar regiment are  all full of backward people. The Yadavs, Kurmis, Kuchis, Mallas, Gujjars, Lodhis, Ahirs, all join the army in large numbers.


     All I will tell them, is that it is not easy to steal their votes, the 30 crores members of the backward classes in this country, contribute over 9 lakh soldiers to the army. They must do everything to protect their voting rights.


     Q.5. How?


  1. We have several wings in our party. The Backward and Minority Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF) has taken up the task of creating an awareness among the  backward  people. Likewise, we  have a wing of bhashanbaj (speech makers) and the     slogan shouting wing. As I said earlier, a superringging  squad is in the offing.


     Q.6. Many belive that all the powers in the party are concentrated in your hands and that the BSP is essentially a one man show.


  1. Our party is an all India organisation. One  man can’t run the entire show. One has to be dependent on others to get money and to build up the cadre.  Ours is the largest cadre in India. This has been the product of years of ceaseless effort of  hundreds of workers who have contributed their mite, building it  bit by bit, Even today the process of building the party  has not been completed.


     Our workers start mobilising from the village  level, then slowly move up to block, district and State levels. Thus by no means is  it a one man show.  How can one man organise and fight elections spread over the entire country?


      Q.7. It is often said that you do not allow other BSP leaders to get to the top and enjoy the limelight.


  1. Up to 25th March 1987, even I was not in  the  limelight.  Today while I am being interviewed by you.  Mayawati (another  BSP  stalwart) is giving an interview to your sister publication (Bhoo Bharati).  Others in Lucknow are doing their bit. I am not really happy over the publicity that the press is giving us.   Though it has its utility, the party work  suffers.     The people tend to overestimate our strength. People  have already  begun to talk about the BSP ruling the roast in Haryana.If we do not meet their expectations, our image will suffer.


       Even the opposition leaders have begun to woo me. The Janata Party President Chandra Shekhar met me.  Karnataka Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde also desired to see me. I do not want to  be disrespectful to them. So I give them a patient hearing.


       Q.8. Why won’t you allow the upper caste people  to join BSP if they want to work for the upliftment of  the down trodden ?


  1. They  have already got so many parties  for  this job. But they have miserably failed to do any thing on this score. Had they done even a fraction of what was promised before the election times. There  would have been no need for the emergence of the  BSP.  While all the parties  are  wanting  to maintain  the status quo, the  BSP  has  become  a  historical     necessity. We need change: Other parties tend to go in for cosmetic changes, we demand fundamental changes.


       Q.9. How do you plan to dismantle and demolish  the  status quo?


  1. We have already gone a long  way in  this      direction. We tell them that for centuries together, there was a system which stood vertically. On its top was the Brahmin and  the lowest rung the Chamar.


     This  was and is the biggest curse for India. We tell them that if they do not strive for equality, the  upper caste will not do anything to mitigate the situation because it serves their interests. They are the beneficiaries of the caste system, hence they  are  little interested in doing anything for our uplift.         But I am keeping the doors open for the upper castes     to join as workers if they want to, but will not allow them  to  become the leaders.


     Q.10. How do you view your party’s electoral      prospects in the forthcoming Haryana Assembly election?


  1. Haryana was not in our scheme of things.  Because we thought we must concentrate in those States from where the largest number of MP’s return to  Parliament,  since in a democratic set up it is the Central Government that matters there are 542 MPs in the Lok Sabha. UP returns 85 MPs, Bihar 56,  Maharastra 48, Tamil Nadu 39.


     Hence we thought that when 2 districts of UP, that is, Gorakhpur and Deoria, return as many MPs as the total number from Jammu  &  Kashmlir, then we must make our presence felt in such areas, so that we are able to form the Government at the Centre at the earliest.


     In Haryana, I have instructed the local  workers  to campaign. The Congress has a high stake in Haryana after having lost in West Bengal and Kerala and after doing poorly in the  by  elections of UP.


     Just as in UP where the opposition has been wiped out, in  Haryana  there  will be no third force beside BSP  and  the Congress I.


     Q.11. What  is  your   party’s  position  in  other  non-Hindi speaking states?


  1. The BSP was first formed in Pune, Maharashtra, and later it spread to as far as Kanyakumari, But we, for the time being, are concentrating our attention on UP so as to catch the enemy by the neck.


     Even a very high Government official once told me that we  should not underestimate our strength in South India. People from the south no tell me that it will be nothing less than a walk-over there. I recently attended a DMK convention where I was told how backward classes there would be simply too happy to  vote  for the BSP. Probably because of this Hegde wanted to meet me.


  1. THE WEEK (JUNE 12-18),1988


     Q.1. What prompted you to contest from Allahabad?


  1. The high-profile status of the battle, it is  a prestigious one. It attracts a lot of media attention. In any case, in UP we are the number one power. The only alternative to  the Congress.


     Q.2.  How you claim that ?


  1. The vote bank; the vote bank of Dalits and     minorities. UP has the largest percentage of  backward  class vote. We are 80 to 82 percent. This is called Bahujan Samaj.


     Q.3.  How can you say they are with you ?


  1. The  fight  is more social than  political.   Our constituency consists of the victims of the system-15% of the population, the so called elite are the beneficiaries of the system. The remaining 85% are its victims. The 15% want status quo. I am organising the victims of the system.


    Q.4. Where have you reached ?


  1. We have emerged overnight, for almost two decades  the media did not take note of us. After the Bijnore and Hardwar by elections, it was established that we have come to stay. Our biggest victory was  that we shattered the credibility of the media.


    Q.5. But  you  failed miserably  in  Haryana,  you      contested almost all the seats but could not win a single seat.


  1. In Haryana our performance was not all that  bad. We polled 2.8% of the votes. This was our first  contest in Haryana. When we fought for the first time in UP in 1985 (the assembly  election), we got 2.4% only. What happened after a year? In the byelections we registered a quantum jump. We are emerging from nowhere. In Haryana we polled so much because  of  the UP effect.


     Q.6. Whom do you consider your immediate rival  in  Allahabad ?


  1. Both V.P.Singh and Congress. Thakurs and baniyas will support V.P.Singh. Kayasthas and Brahmins will support the Congress. At present each would poll between 50,000 and 60,000. There is a total of 2.20 lakh voters, belonging to these communities. Not more than 1.5 lakh will vote. The  position might change.  There may be polarisation for either V.P.Singh or     Shastri to defeat me.


    Q.7.  How would they make the final choice ?


  1. It will be decided by Shankaracharyas, Mathathiptis, Vishva Hindu Parishad and the RSS.  This is  what they did in the last few years. Indira Gandhi used to manipulate them.  Now the RSS is doing the same. 


    Q.8. But it is said that you have a secret understanding with the Congress, if that party cannot win,  will it support you to defeat V.P.Singh ?


  1. This is Indian Express propaganda. The Blitz, on the other hand, said just the opposite, that V.P.Singh would support me to defeat the Congress, earlier they used to call me the stooge of the Congress or of the opposition. Now they  say the  Congress and the opposition alternately as my stooge,  which speaks of my popularity.


   Q.9. What is the basis of your confidence ?


  1. At 24 hour’s notice I can have a meeting of 10,000 people. My party has workers. For my election meeting at Tandon Park I had given a notice of 22 hours. Yet the turn-out was big. I always address minimum of25,000 people two times than that of  V.P.Singh. The Congress conducted its first election meeting in a small hall with a capacity of a few hundreds.


   Q.10. How  long  have   you  been  associated  with  Allahabad?


  1. For long, in fact, I am in touch with every  nook and corner of the state. I have no family. I am on  the  move throughout the year. Since October 14, 1971 I have not attended a single social function marriage, death or mundan. I have not been sick even for a day since 1971. I cannot afford it.  Till April  23 I was not sure that I will contest. I have created  a vote force, the projection and the propaganda valour of the seat prompted me to take the plunge.


    Q.11.  What if you lose?


  1. The question does not arise. If polls are held I will win. If rigging takes place, I will resist. This time the Muslims, Bengalis and even south Indians are going to vote  for me.


   Q.12.  What is your attitude to religion?


  1. I am against fundamentalism. I believe God and the sword are the twin weapons of fundamentalism. I tell people religion has no logic; God begins where  logic ends. Most religions are irrational. They divide humanity. I am  against it.


   Q.13.  How would you win over the Muslims?


  1.   They support me because they have no other choice. They  are angry with the Congress for opening Ram Janmabhoomi, it happened  under the present Chief Minister. He butchered Muslims in communal  riots  in  Meerut and in Allahabad. He was instrumental in the Moradabad riots of 1980.


   Arun  Nehru, who forced Vir Bahadur Singh to open  Ram Janmabhoomi,in now  with V.P.Singh. Arif Mohammad  Khan, who opposed Muslim women’s bill, is with V.P.Singh, Muslim hate him. That is why Nehru and Khan are not campaigning in Allahabad. Their presence  will be resented. V.P.Singh cannot conceal his true identity. A man is known by the company he keeps.  His most ardent supporters are the BJP and the RSS.  Vajpayee  and  the   Rajamata  might consolidate upper caste vote for him, but not the minority votes.


    Q.14. You say that you are against religion. But      most of the Muslim grievances are of religious nature.  How then can you hope for Muslim support?


  1. I do not after them. The Muslim league has come on its own. The Muslim have no other go but support me. In UP anybody who speaks for the Congress is boycotted by the Muslims.


    The  Muslim league always wanted an alliance with  me. I had told them. I have nothing to do with them.   Leaders of Muslim organizations wanted to meet me. I refused to meet them.


    Q.15.  Still they are coming after you?


  1. They have no following. They are not  leading Muslim to Kanshi Ram; they are following the Muslim masses who are supporting  me. That is the only way they can  keep  their leadership.


   Q.16. Will it not alienate other section supporting  You?


  1. The Muslim want me to go to their localities  and address them. Their leaders are eager to play a prominent role. I tell them not to support me openly.  It will create problems. It is for this election.  Once I win this, next time we will come  in the open.




    Q.1. What do you attribute the polarization in   our politics to? 


  1. Our politics is not polarised yet. I do  concede that the process has begun but it is not complete. The Janata Dal is not finished though it is breaking up. We do still have multiplicity of  parties with different ideology but two clear ideology of a centrist and rightist party are emerging. I feel     that with these by elections the polarisation process  has got accentuated. The  results  of our by elections  will  certainly hasten the process of polarisation.


    Q.2. Do you think once the polarisation process  is complete only two parties will remain at the centre?


  1. Not two but perhaps only four or five-Congress, BJP,CPI,CPM and of course the BSP will always remain.


    Q.3. Do  not you feel there is a possibility that  all the secular forces or parties will unite against  the  communal parties?  

  1. May be.


    Q.4.Is a BJP the secular centrist parties kind  of  polarization emerging?


  1. No.


    Q.5.   Why are you so emphatic?  Don’t you think  that the role of an effective opposition might pass to the BJP?


    A  You are over estimating them. They have  already reached as high as they could of their political life.  They have     crossed  their  climax.   I can predict that now  onwards  its  a  downhill climb for them.


    Q.6.  Why ?


  1. Because  as George Fernandes pointed out  to  his  party, emotional issues like Mandal and Mandir  are one time issues.They can be productive electorally only once. Then they lose  their appeal. Because they are only emotional issues which do  not affect our daily lives in any way. Can they improve  the standard of living of the common man? No. So he may get carried  away once but just as quickly as he get used by it,  he forgets about  it, then it is experiencing the same problem. How do they keep the mandir issue alive? In fact in the recent by election the few seats the BJP did wrest was only through the use of state power. Also the BJP can no longer boast of having power without responsibility. Now that they are  standing on their own and will be judged by their own performance, they are in deep  waters. The court judgement on the Ayodhya issue has gone against them.


    Q.7. Have you noticed a change in the attitude of  voters over the years ?


  1. Yes they say Sab Chore Hai (all are thief)


  1. And earlier?


  1. Earlier they were having some hope from newcomers.


    Q.9. So how do you interpret this change?


  1. People have tested so many parties over the last 40 years and all have failed so they are totally disillusioned.


    Q.10. Do you think it is an end of our  democratisation process?


  1. The disillusionment with the democratic process is more because of the purchase, stealing and looting of votes. And politicians are responsible this, particularly  Mrs.Gandhi  who became insecure of winning by fair means after 1977. Even Sanjay Gandhi was her creation after all.


    Q.11. What is the solution ?


  1. It is the duty of the people to fight back to save their democracy. They must save their daughter from rape. The people must identify the culprits who  are  denigrating  their  system and punish them.


    Q.12.  How ?




    Q.13. The  results  in UP do not reflect that  the  BJP charisma is ebbing?


  1. I am talking on the bassis of the results in  UP. We are sure of winning in Bulandshahar but less sure of winning in Etwah. BJP should have been number four in Etwah but rose to number two. And they  should   have been number three in Bulandhashar had they allowed fair elections. But they followed the fascist course and misused the state machinery blatantly.


     Do you know my results were declared the latest among all results in India. Counting began on the 17th morning at eight O’clock. By 2 a.m. on the 18th the seventh round was over and  announced.

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